would very definitely aid boys of the eighth grade in making intelligent decisions as to their future vocations.

Now for that part of the subject involving intelligence tests. Despite many faults and glaring failures-all of which would be readily acknowledged by their authors-the intelligence test has come to stay, and is continually being made more rational and more useful. Up to this time these tests have not aided greatly in making a clear decision as to appropriate vocations for different individuals. But they are more and more able to give a rough idea as to an indi vidual's intellectual status, and this aids in eliminating vocations that are obviously beyond one's capacity.

This cannot be accomplished in all cases, but only with a fraction. But that it can be done at all speaks well for the future. And their usefulness will increase the more they keep from purely educational tests and develop tests for special capacities. Tests based on educational acquirements too often lead to absurdities. Here is an example:

A number of years ago the writer, when in a mid-Western city, beheld at the same hotel table a rough customer evidently just arrived from what we often term the "backwoods." He was a huge, rather uncouth man, and he could not read a word. This alone would have ranked him with low-grade morons, according to the usual educational acquirement test. No, he could not read, but did not wish to acknowledge it, so, with enormous stubby finger he pointed out dishes on the menu to the astonished waiter-and received, of course, an astonishing mixture of viands. Keeping his surprise to himself, he piled all on one plate, made a general hash, and then put it down, using knife and fork simultaneously. On asking who on earth the man might be, I was told that he was worth not far from a million, having sold a large farm of many acres for a huge sum when it was found that a few feet below the surface was much iron waiting to be removed with steam-shovels.

He could neither read nor write, but he could hold the anxious purchasers

up for a very shrewd sum of money. Did he go right through it with the usual crude American type of "splurge"? Not at all. He got to work and educated himself and on last accounts had not only succeeded at this, but was president of his city's board of trade!

On a test for basis capacities he would have ranked high, but an educational test would have given an entirely wrong impression.

Let us hope, then, along with opporunities for learning something definite about the characteristics of various vocations there may be developed capacity tests that will directly aid a boy or girl in making a choice, and, again, that our schools will provide opportunity for all children, even the unfortunate sons of the well-to-do, to gain, through actual manual work, some first-hand acquaint ance of their chosen vocation.

So there we have the two great sides of this great question-the making possible of an intelligent choice of vocation, and, then, the giving of a practical acquaintance with the characteristics of that vocation at first hand.

F

I

ROM the moment when Turkey entered the World War on the side of Germany men in all the Entente countries and in America came to one conclusion: "The Turk must be put out of Europe."

But he was not. True, his lands were lopped off both in Europe and in Asia. He was practically reduced to Asia Minor. It was hoped that his European days were over. But he still hung on in Constantinople, and his influence in the surrounding region continued to be felt.

There arose in Asia Minor one Mustapha Kemal, a man of singular ability and force. About him came Turks in great number, and an army was speedily organized and perfected. A civil government was set up at Angora, a town well situated to be the seat of government. Clever people were called to the administration.

The Kemalists began to negotiate with the Russian Bolsheviki and an arrangement was made, apparently of mutual benefit. On the other hand, the Kemalist Government managed to make an agreement with France. Tired of spending money without much result in the province of Cilicia, the French Government decided to withdraw and concentrate its endeavors in Syria. The arrangement made with the Kemalists provided for the protection of the native Christians in Cilicia, but very many of them, remembering the Adana massacres, placed no faith in such protection and proceeded to follow the French troops into Syria and to find new homes

there. The French, it is rumored, even supplied the Kemalists with arms.

The result of the negotiations in Paris three years ago assured to the Greeks protection of the Greek-occupied territory of Smyrna and of the easternmost coast of Asia Minor. Acting upon this, King Constantine, on reassuming the throne, decided to clear the borderland of Turkish marauders; doubtless his object was quite as much to strengthen himself and his throne as it was to help the Greeks in Asia. After a long and varied war, the Greek troops have now not only been swept from the mountains but into the sea. Smyrna has been taken by the Turks, and the Kemalist troops, inspirited by success, are now disposed to march to the Bosphorus and take Constantinople, not only out of the hands of the reigning Sultan, but especially out of the hands of the British and others on guard there.

The question to-day here is: "What will the British do? And if they back up their words by their guns, will the French and Italians stand by and give co-operation?"

The question might be more easily answered if it were as simple as it sounds. It is, on the contrary, a deep problem. In the ultimate analysis, it embraces most of the unsettled questions of the peace settlement resulting from the World War.

Great Britain apparently holds a moral as well as a material advantage. Yet in one respect Great Britain is at a serious disadvantage. Any overt action against Mohammedanism would be

instantly resented in India, Mesopotamia, Palestine, and Egypt, for, with all the pompous circumstance attending Egypt's new-found freedom, that country still remains profoundly under British domination. France also might be at a disadvantage as she considers her Mohammedan subjects in Morocco, Algeria, Tunis, and elsewhere; but her retiral from Cilicia has given high hopes to Mohammedans everywhere.

II

England and France are at one as to the necessity of keeping the freedom of the Straits-the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles. This is the second thing, as regards Turkey, that should result from the World War. The question is whether such freedom means a necessity to undertake military measures at this time.

The defense of the Straits-no matter how much it may be the defense of the individual and selfish interests of England or France or Italy or Rumania or Bulgaria or any other Power-is really the defense of the general interests of all; the defense is necessary, not only for Europe, but even for lands, like our own, outside Europe.

In this whole matter Great Britain is of course the "biggest toad in the puddle," as becomes her naval preponderance. This would be specially indicated if the Straits were not fortified, because, starting from Gibraltar and Malta, British preponderance would be easily seen. Hence there is much, sentiment in Paris towards fortification.

Many Frenchmen also add that

neither Great Britain nor France nor any other Power should be in control, but only the League of Nations. This might seem to involve the problem of the admission of Turkey to membership in the League; when it comes to this, my French friends seem a little embarrassed, although they profess that ultimate good will come out of it too.

No one seems to place any reliance on statements purporting to emanate from Mustapha Kemal as to the freedom of the Straits and that he does not intend to undertake aggressive action against the Allies. He knows as well as does any other Turk that the real aggressive action against the Allies is to do precisely what is being done-namely, to stir up French jealousy of Great Britain. That inter-jealousy game has worked well for years and has been applied by the Sultans, in turn, to all the Powers in any way interested in Turkey. The "Sick Man" remains agreeably "sick" in Constantinople under those circumstances.

III

The third thing as regards Turkey that should have resulted from the World War is the giving of guaranties for the protection of the Christian minorities in Asia Minor. The Turk has massacred hundreds of thousands of Armenians and Greeks, and there is

every reason to fear that his savagery will be continued. We have only to read the ghastly details of what has happened to Christian women and children in this very year; we have only to be informed that the Turkish army subalterns were seen setting fire to the Christian quarters in Smyrna to be sure of that.

What is now needed is some kind of concerted action into which there can be injected no element of disintegration. It is pleasant to know, therefore, that the French Government has instructed General Pelle, its High Commissioner at Constantinople, to concert plans with the English and Italian High Commissioners so that the Angora Government shall know beyond a doubt that the Allies are in accord at least as to maintaining the neutrality of the zone of the Straits. This can be done, the French maintain, without any military demonstration, and in a way to make the Kemalists realize that it is entirely in their interests to respect the decision of the Allies and not to undertake anything of an offensive nature.

The English doubt this, and the English Government has decided to reinforce both its fleet in the eastern Mediterranean and the British troops under Sir Charles Harington, Commander-inChief of the Allied forces at Constantinople. Not satisfied with this, England invites her Allies to do as much. She

even asks Rumania, Jugoslavia, and Greece to participate in the effective defense. Finally, she asks her colonists to help the mother country. What Anzac can resist an appeal that carries with it the association of Gallipoli?

The French shrug their shoulders at this. They fear, as I heard them say to-day, that "the Turks will see in it a certain menace." Exactly what the Turks should see!

Again, the French, like the Italians, have a contempt for the Greeks and decline to "line up" with them.

And-most remarkable in a nation of realists-the French actually pretend that the English are seeing a peril which does not yet exist. In this case, it is possible the English may be seeing better than the French.

Certainly Premier Lloyd George received a setback by the defeat of the Greek troops in Asia Minor. Perhaps, smarting under this, and with the prospect of general elections at home in the near future, he is making "a last desperate throw," as his enemies claim, in the deep political game. But why go still further and call his defense of the freedom of the Straits a wanton war? That statement is hardly warranted.

One thing is sure: the Germans eagerly acclaim any dissension in the Entente.

Paris, September 19, 1922.

N

ATIONS are not very different from

individuals. If they are

thrifty, they get along; if not, they don't.

Austria was a monarchy for centuries. Vienna, the capital, grew in size with the growth of the population of Southern Europe.

It became a political, financial, commercial, musical, and artistic center for a hundred million people.

The "Viennese" have been known rather as an easy-going, pleasure-loving people than as a people prone to political domination. Yet the Hapsburg dynasty, which ruled Austria-Hungary, has been influenced and controlled by many of the most corrupt and cruel people that have been placed in power or allowed to grasp power in European history.

I am inclined to accept the statement that the Austrian people did not raise a finger to commence the war, yet they cheered their troops as they marched against Serbia, and thought not of the morrow of world chaos. They had never participated in plans, they had only shared results.

The Empire did grow and prosper; Vienna did increase in importance and wealth. What had been would continue

to be, so "Hail to the old Emperor, his Ministers and Generals." They also cheered the German Empire as it reached forward and took the reins from their hands (if they ever were in their hands), and they did not anticipate trouble to come.

The long struggle ended in defeat, and their Empire was cut up into pieces and handed to different foreign Powers.

When Vienna found itself one-third of a small democracy, it had neither natural gifts nor training to make itself function as a self-government.

Suppose it were left to the passengers, men and women, of a sinking ocean steamer to launch the lifeboats and save themselves. The story would be a sad one. The story of the attempt of Austria to launch a democratic government has also been sad. Fumbling, confusion, and beginning at the wrong end with the best intentions in the world, have marked their efforts.

When we come to think of it, selfgovernment is no snap. It will not run itself except into the ground. The people must govern the state as they govern themselves, with industry, courage, and self-denial. None but a great people can become a democracy in the true sense of

the word, and the Austrians are not a great people.

Let us drop the word "Democracy" and use "Socialism." We will more quickly understand the cause of the present plight of Austria.

Socialism tries to give the "common man," or the "average person," or "the worker," a good time in life. Socialism believes that if every one works, say, two hours a day, all necessities and proper luxuries can be provided and distributed, and that the balance of the time can be given up to recreation and the cultivation of arts and education.

This is only a theory. I have never heard whether the theory went so far as to have the state function as a means of enforcing the theory or not; but the Austrian Socialists passed laws to enforce part of the theory, at least, and provide means to insure a trial for a while.

They said food must be cheap, so it was bought abroad or at home for what it could be obtained, and sold for a song. A loaf of bread was sold for two-thirds of a cent a pound, while the same loaf was being sold occasionally in the open market, when Government supplies couldn't be obtained, for three cents. Meat was handled in the same way.

Photograph by W. C. Gregg

The railways were operated to give the Austrians a ride for almost nothing. Six cents for a hundred-mile ride, thirdclass, was the published rate in March, 1921.

They couldn't control everything; but they did a lot, and ran behind as fast as their industry in buying high and selling low would let them.

They prohibited increase of rents-a fine thing in theory, but they made street beggars out of the landlords, for houses could not be sold that could not produce an income. Only last week a man with a handsome flat of eight or nine rooms in the center of Vienna told me his rent was $2 a year.

This Government ran against a deficit mighty soon, but they issued paper currency to meet their obligations. This increase of the paper money made the value fall somewhat in neighboring countries (the paper crown was worth from seven to nine cents at the Armistice), and therefore also in Austria.

Right here is where Austria committed suicide; here is where any benefits of Socialism which might have been demonstrated were stupidly thrown away. They could have made a fairer distribution of the burdens and benefits of citizenship, they could have taken a few steps toward a final self-government, but they didn't realize that the crowns they issued promised "to pay, on demand, one crown in metal currency:" they did not realize that a reserve and actual redemption of the crown were necessary to preserve its value; they failed to be honest, and redeem their word. Hence they failed in everything.

The rest of the story is simply and easily told. They met every deficit with new issues of paper money. When I was in Vienna in March, 1921, I bought 700 crowns for $1. A year later I bought 7,000 crowns for the same $1. Now I am

buying 75,000 for $1. It is a wonder the. crown has any value at all. Austria up to September 9, 1922, had, according to official figures, 1,311,000,000,000 paper crowns outstanding.

Get out your pencil and write one trillion three hundred and eleven billion crowns; it will probably be the first time that you have ever written serious figures running into trillions. While you have your pencil out, just divide that huge sum by seventy-five thousand, the number of crowns I am buying for a dollar, and you will see that their entire paper money is worth only seventeen and a half million dollars. This shows why Austria must quit as. at present constituted. In spite of the enormous amount of paper in circulation, it isn't worth anything, or, as one of our funny-picture men would put it, "It doesn't mean anything."

They are actually using quite a little foreign currency in buying and selling merchandise. Austria might last several months if the Government could pay its two hundred and sixty-odd thousand employees. It doesn't seem able to print money fast enough to allow them to meet their living expenses.

Cost of living has gone up so that a taxi ride costs 50,000, a dinner 75,000, a pair of shoes 300,000 crowns. The Government issues index numbers on the cost of living and pays its employees accordingly. The increase of pay for September over August is estimated at one hundred and thirty-five per cent for one month, mind you.

It is estimated also that the employees will each have to receive on the average about one and a half million crowns for the month of September.

Get out that pencil again and multiply two hundred and sixty thousand men by one and a half million crowns, and you will see how much new paper money

must be printed just to provide the Government pay-roll for September-not to speak of the pay for Government supplies. Of course the Government receives taxes and other incomes, but they are a minor detail; they fall hopelessly behind the racing speed of expenditures.

Now comes the strangest part of the story. The people are better off than when I was there last March, and much better than a year ago last March.

I took about three dozen pictures of the people in streets and in parks. They are all well dressed and look well fed. The theaters are crowded (I paid sixty-six cents for a seat)-the movies and restaurants also. I simply couldn't get a seat at the Grand Opera.

Prices have gone up everywhere. When you take a taxi ride, you look at the meter and then multiply by 9,000. You've got to be quick at figures to live in Vienna.

A taxi ride costs nearly as much as in New York. Whenever the Government releases its control over prices, they go up to approximately gold values very

soon.

Labor is better paid, but is still too low. The charge I made against Socialism and Labor Unionism a year and a half ago still stands. They have not taken care of labor. It is much worse off than in so-called capitalistic states like America, for instance. One reason the people are looking better is because they have cultivated on special ground allotments 80,000 gardens in the suburbs of Vienna. I saw the exhibition of the results in the City Hall. I was glad they had done so well, and sorry there were not other achievements to show for what Austria had been through.

I saw a good deal of firewood here and there inside and outside of Vienna, considerable coal also. I am told there is a fair supply of fats and meats for the winter.

If Italy could, by common consent, take over the government of Austria, stop the excess of expenditures, circulate Italian money, and discharge fully half of the public employees, the country would soon get on its feet. We would hear nothing more about their "terrible suffering." The suffering has been rea! enough among those who had bank savings accounts, and old people living on incomes and rents. They found themselves absolute paupers. Naturally, the bulk of these cases have been adjusted, some by death, some by work, and some by relief and by relatives.

If some political change is not made very soon (say in three months), Vienna will, I am afraid, be a howling mob because of confusion and political paralysis. This may be delayed by some loans to quicken the body of the almost dead government. Loans from England, France, and Italy are always imminent, and the League of Nations is gravely reconsidering Austria's dilemma, as it sits in Geneva.

When McKinley was President, the question, "Shall we build a canal at

Panama?" was much discussed. Mr. Dooley, writing an Annual Presidential Message for McKinley to send to Congress, said under the heading "Panemaw Canal:" "Something must be done about the Panemaw Canal, but what the divil it is I don't know."

I think the League of Nations feels the same way about Austria; something must be done, but what the divil it is they don't know.

This article would be defective if I didn't try to explain why Austria has lasted as long as this and why there is so much ease and comfort in spite of the financial ruin.

(1) The exports of merchandise have been considerable and balance a part of the imports of food, perhaps all the necessary food, because champagnes, liqueurs, silks, and furs have also been imported and sold to Austrians.

(2) Much good money has come into Austria for paintings, antiques, porcelains, etc.-all articles of real value if not art treasures.

Much of the former belongings of Archdukes Ferdinand and Ludwig Victor have been sold-perhaps a million dollars' worth. The art stores always report a good foreign business, and there are hundreds of them.

(3) The American Relief has brought in about fifty million dollars of supplies and cash.

(4) It is reasonable to suppose that the Catholic Church has sent in large sums to assist Austria, which, until the Armistice, was the leading Catholic nation of the world.

(5) Austrians in foreign countries, America, England, and elsewhere, have sent, in the aggregate, huge sums to their relatives in Austria, and bought crowns on speculation.

(6) Foreign buying of Austrian industries, such as the Stinnes purchase of the leading steel industry of Austria, which is reported to be running prosperously.

(7) The ownership by Austrian capitalists of paying properties in Czecho

brought into Vienna a fairly steady flow of good money. It must be remembered that Vienna was the financial and banking center of Southern Europe before the War. Vast properties are still held outside of Austria.

(8) Space will not permit a further listing of the many supplies that have helped to take care of Austria; but the chief bladder that has kept them from sinking has been the use of the paper money issued all along as needed. Like a bladder, it will not support anything very long, but has great temporary possibilities. It has been a medium of exchange and has always represented some gold value, even as it does to-day.

If Austria had been entirely selfsupporting, no one can say how long she might have functioned on her paper cur

rency.

Photograph by W. C. Gregg

comfort and even luxury. Most of these helps have been temporary, and they aré, in any event, too uncertain to support a political state.

I found out why the trains are so crowded in Austria. A citizen of Vienna told me he and his wife had just returned from Germany, where they had been shopping. They bought linen, underwear, woolen goods, etc., at less than half what they paid in Vienna. Being Austrians, they were taxed only six per cent to export their purchases from Germany. I asked him how much his round-trip ticket cost him (a twentyhour ride in an express train, thirdclass). He said, Thirty cents!

You see, Austrian Socialists planned that cheap fare for the benefit and enjoyment of the Austrians, little thinking that it would be used by Austrians to make purchases in foreign countries, to the serious disadvantage of Austria.

Successful statesmanship consists partly in thinking ahead. As I said in the beginning, it takes a great people to be self-governing, and the Austrians are not a great people.

With no reparations paid and no standing army supported; with double the agricultural land of Belgium and with no more population; with a railway and banking system radiating through all Southern Europe; with Vienna a tourist center second only to Paris; with vast wealth to be taxed, and a comparatively small war debt; with the Austrian crown worth as much as the French franc in 1919-they have made the minor after-war difficulties the excuse for failure-a failure ghastly enough, but resulting only from stupid and dishonest Socialism, and not from restricted area and tariff problems, diffculties which could have been surmounted by a stronger race. Vienna, September 9, 1922.