!

St. Paul by Felix after the first hearing at Cæsarea; with this difference however, that a good deal of Agrippa's kind usage was given him by stealth, it not being by the orders of Tiberius, by whom he was committed: whereas the centurion who kept St. Paul had express orders from Felix, the chief officer in the province," to let him have liberty, and to forbid none of his acquaintance to minister or come unto him;" which must have been a considerable advantage. And I reckon that Agrippa's confinement at last, when he was removed to the house he had ' lived in before he was bound,' was of the same kind with St. Paul's custody, when he dwelt at "Rome in his own hired house."

X. Our taking in at once the whole story of St. Paul's imprisonment, has obliged us to pass by a particular or two, which the reader will perhaps think it worth while to look back for.

I think it not needful to inquire, what St. Paul's right of appeal was founded in, whether in his citizenship or not, Acts xxv. 10, 11. I shall only observe that he does not insist upon that expressly, but only his innocence. Some learned men have indeed, upon the occasion of this appeal, cited the words of Pliny; in which he tells Trajan, that he had noted down some of those who were infected with Christianity to be sent to Rome, because they were citizens.' But I cannot perceive to what purpose these words are alleged here. For if Pliny sent those persons to Rome, not for some special reason, but because his power extended only to the lives of provincials, and not of Roman citizens, then his power was not at that time equal to that of the Roman governors in Judea. It is plain from St. Luke, Acts xxv. 11, 24, 25, that Paul was prosecuted by the Jews for his life, after he was known to be a Roman. And it is as plain from Josephus, that the Roman governors of Judea had power over the lives of Romans. Cumanus put to death a Roman soldier in Judea. And when Josephus complains of Florus's crucifying some Jews who were Roman knights, he would have complained of somewhat else beside the manner of their death, if Florus had had no right to pronounce a capital sentence upon any Roman whatever. And thus I have by the by given the evidence of a very material circumstance in this history, namely, that Felix and Festus had power of trying a Roman for life.

Upon Paul's appeal to Cæsar he was in fact sent to Rome; causes were therefore by appeal removed out of the provinces to Rome. Suetonius says, that Augustus appointed a number of consular persons at Rome to receive the appeals of provincial people, namely, one person to preside over the affairs of each province."

St. Luke says also, Acts xxvii. 1. "And when it was determined that we should sail into Italy, they delivered Paul and certain other prisoners, unto one named Julius, a centurion of Augustus' band." It was very common to send persons from Judea to be tried at Rome. Quintilius Varus sent to Rome divers of those that had made disturbances in Judea, in the interval between Herod's death and Archelaus's taking possession of the government. Ummidius Quadratus, president of Syria, sent Ananus the high priest and other Jews to Claudius, to answer for themselves at Rome, as also several of the most considerable of the Samaritans. Josephus says that Felix, for some slight offence, bound and sent to Rome several priests of his acquaintance, and very good and honest men, to answer for themselves to "Cæsar.' Felix also sent to Rome Eleazar, captain of a troop of robbers, and several of his men, whom he had taken prisoners.

XI. There remains but one thing more. "And when we came to Rome, the centurion delivered the prisoners to the captain of the guard: but Paul was suffered to dwell by himself, with a soldier that kept him," Acts xxviii. 16. Doubtless Paul was consigned by Felix to the "captain of the guard," as well as the other "prisoners:" but he was suffered to "dwell by himself," the rest were ordered to a more strait confinement. The only thing we have to observe here is, that the captain of the guard often had the custody of prisoners. This appears from the history I have given above of Agrippa. And it seems, that generally the prisoners which were sent from the provinces were transmitted to this officer, and not to the præfect of the city. For so Trajan directs Pliny, when he had written to him for some advice concerning

a particular person whom he had with him in the province; That he should send him bound to the præfects of his prætorium:' or in other words, to the captains of the guard; there being two at that time, whereas there was but one when Paul was sent to Rome. Heliodorus the sophist, being in a certain island, fell under a charge of murder. 'Whereupon,' says Philostratus, he was sent to Rome, to answer for himself before the præfects of the prætorium.'

CHAP. XI.

THREE REMARKABLE FACTS.

1. The temple forty-six years in building. II. The dearth in the reign of Claudius. III. The Jews banished from Rome by the same emperor.

1. WHEN

HEN our Saviour was at Jerusalem, at one of the Jews' passovers, he "made a scourge of small cords, and drove them that sold oxen and sheep, and the changers of money out of the temple," John ii. 14, 15. This action implied a claim of some particular authority. "Then answered the Jews, and said unto him, what sign shewest thou unto us, seeing that thou dost these things? Jesus answered and said unto them, Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it up. Then said the Jews, Forty and six years was this temple in building, and wilt thou rear it up in three days?" Or in other words: Forty and six years has this temple been building, so far as the work is carried on, and many thousand men have been employed upon 'it all this time. And wilt thou alone rebuild it in three days time, if it were pulled down and ' demolished?' Ver. 18-20.

d

It ought to be observed here, that Josephus has informed us, that Herod the Great, in the eighteenth year of his reign, made a proposal to the Jews of rebuilding the temple. In eight or nine years time he finished what he intended to do to this sacred place. But the people of the Jews were after this, as it seems, continually adorning and improving the buildings of the temple.

It is highly probable, that the term of forty-six years, mentioned here by the Jews in their reply to our Saviour, commences at the time when Herod made his proposal to the Jews, or else at the time, when in pursuance of that proposal, he actually set about repairing the temple. There being some chronological difficulties attending the period of Herod's reign, as well as our Saviour's ministry, there is between learned men the difference of two or three years about the exact time when these words were spoken by the Jews. But I have no occasion at present to concern myself with any of those difficulties; because it is easy to shew, that the buildings of the temple were continued below any of the dates affixed to this discourse between our Saviour and the Jews.

The evidences for this fact are these: Josephus relating affairs which happened in the reign of Nero, after the arrival of Gessius Florus, procurator of Judea in the year of the christian ærea 65, says: 'At that time was the temple finished. The people, therefore, 'seeing the 'workmen to the number of eighteen thousand lie idle, and apprehending that they would 'stand in need of the wages which they were wont to receive for working at the temple; and being afraid that the money, if laid up, should fall into the hands of the Romans; and moreover, having a regard to the workmen, and being willing that the treasures should be 'laid out upon them, (for if any man worked but one hour of the day, he presently received his 'pay); they petitioned the king to rebuild the east portico.-It was the work of king Solomon,

• Simvinctus mitti ad præfectos prætorii mei debet. Plin. lib. x. ep. 65. b About A. D. 223.

• Λαβων δη εν τη νησω φονικήν αίλιαν, ανεπέμφθη ες την Ῥωμην, ώς απολοίησομενος τοις των τρατοπέδων ἡλεμοσι. Vit. Sophist. 1. 2. num. 32. 4 De Bell. l. i. c. 21. Αnt. 1 xv, c. 11. e Usser. Ann. * Ηδη δε πόλη και το ἱερον εἰετελεση βλεπων εν ὁ δημος αρησανίας της τεχνιας, ὑπερ μυρίες και οκτακισχιλιες ονίας, και μισθοφορίας

ενδεεις εσόμενος δια το την τροφήν εκ της καλα το ίερον εργασιας
πορίζεσθαι, και χρηματα μεν αποθεία δια των εκ 'Ρωμαίων φόβον
έχειν ο θέλων, προνοούμενος δε των τεχνιλων, και εις τέλος αναλον
τις θησαυρες βελομενος· και γαρ ει μιαν τις ώραν της ημερας
εργασαιο, τον μισθὸν ὑπερ ταυλης ευθεως ελαμβανεν επείθον τον
βασιλέα την ανατολικήν ςοαν ανεδειραι· κ. λ. Ant. l. xx. c, 8,
sect. 7.
Agrippa the younger.

who first built the whole temple. But the king (the charge and oversight of the temple had 'been committed to him by Claudius Cæsar), considering, that this would be a work of much time and vast expence, did not grant their request. However, he was not against paving the city with white marble.'

It appears from hence, that the Jews had continually employed men upon the temple; for Josephus says, it was now finished.

If it be inquired, how they were supplied with money to maintain so many men constantly at work; I answer, that Josephus, in the passage just now transcribed, intimates what the fund was, namely, their sacred treasury. He has more particularly informed us in another place, where he says, that on the temple were expended all the sacred treasures, which were supplied by tributes sent to God from all parts of the world." Beside the ordinary tribute sent to the temple, the zeal of the people for this work produced liberal contributions."

ιερον,

a

If it be objected, that Josephus, in the account of the building of the temple by Herod, says, that the por, that is, the cloisters and other buildings of the temple were raised in eight years, and the vas, or temple itself, in a year and a half, that is, in nine years and a half; I answer, that Josephus can mean no more than that the temple was then fitted for use, or that all was then finished that Herod proposed to do at his cost, and not the completing the temple and all the buildings belonging to it. This is evident, from the passage just described at length, in which he says, At that time the temple was finished.' And even these words are to be understood with a limitation. The temple was not then completed: there was something still wanting, which the people would have had done. But they then put an end to repairing and building, and there was no more work done at the temple.

It is possible, that there might be some interruptions in the works at the temple; but it is likely they were very short, (if there were any), and such as were not worth taking notice of in a long period.

II. The next event I would here confirm from some foreign testimony, is the famine said to have happened in the reign of Claudius. "And in these days came prophets from Jerusalem unto Antioch. And there stood up one of them named Agabus, and signified by the Spirit, that there should be great dearth throughout all the world, which came to pass in the days of Claudius Cæsar. Then the disciples, every man according to his ability, determined to send relief unto the brethren which dwelt in Judea. Which also they did, and sent it to the elders, by the hands of Barnabas and Saul," Acts xi. 27—30.

I do not take notice of this famine, as the fulfilment of a prophecy, because I do not enter into that argument, but only as a remarkable event, which St. Luke assures us, happened in the reign of Claudius.

St. Luke says, "In those days came prophets from Jerusalem unto Antioch." It may be questioned, what was the exact time of the arrival of these prophets to Antioch, and of the delivery of the prophecy; but I think, it is easy to perceive from St. Luke, when the famine happened. It is observable, that St. Luke having, in the words just now transcribed from him in the conclusion of the xith of the Acts, given an account of the resolution of the church at Antioch, and of the commission given by them to Barnabas and Saul, to carry their contributions to Jerusalem, proceeds in the xiith chapter to relate the transactions concerning the church at Jerusalem, during the reign of Herod Agrippa, and also Herod's death. And then says, "But the word of God grew and multiplied. And Barnabas and Saul returned from Jerusalem, when they had fulfilled their ministry," Acts xii. 24, 25.

There can be no reason assigned for that interruption in the course of the narration, and for the delay to mention the fulfilment of the commission of the church at Antioch, but this, that the commission was not executed till the death of Herod Agrippa. Moreover, as the christians at Antioch had a previous knowledge of this famine, according to St. Luke's account, before it happened, it is reasonable to suppose, that the famine was but then coming on, when Barnabas and Saul fulfilled their ministry. Herod died in the fourth year of Claudius's reign, A. D. 44. It is very evident therefore to me, that the comencement of this famine

• Εις ὁ μακροι μεν εξανηλώθησαν αιώνες αυτόις, και οἱ ἱεροι δε θησαυροί πανίες, ούς ανεπίμπλασαν οι παρα της οικεμένης Saμ TEμTOμEVOL TW OE de Bell. lib. v. c. 5. sect. 1.

Β ́ Η τε γαρ δαψίλεια των χρημαίων, και ή τε λας φιλοτιμίας

d

t

ought not to be placed before the latter end of the year 44, or perhaps, not till the beginning of the year following.

But before I proceed to the proofs of this fact, I must let the reader know how I understand it. I think the dearth prophesied of by Agabus, and related by St. Luke, was in Judea only. I desire the words themselves may be considered. There "came prophets from Jerusalem, and one of them signified by the Spirit, that there should be great dearth throughout the whole world; that is, throughout the whole land, the country before-mentioned, from whence those prophets came, namely, the land of Judea: that there would be a great dearth and scarcity, not at Jerusalem only, which might have been occasioned by some circumstances peculiar to the city, a siege or some other accident; but that there would be scarcity throughout all the land of Judea, by means of a general failure of the usual produce of the earth.

The original word [x] does sometimes signify not the whole world, but a particular country only.

It is evident that the prophecy was understood by the disciples at Antioch, in whose hearing it was delivered, to relate to Judea only. There is not the least hint of any thought of sending relief to any other place, nor yet of any hesitation in taking the resolution here mentioned, for fear their own circumstances might be necessitous.

And when it is added, that in pursuance of their determination, they did actually send rélief by the hands of Barnabas and Saul, there is not one word bestowed to enhance the eminence of their charity, in assisting others when they were in straits themselves, or in immediate danger of them. And yet it is unlikely, this should have been altogether omitted, if it had been the case. It is certain, St. Paul has placed this circumstance in the most beautiful manner, in the testimony he gives to the churches of Macedonia: "How that in a great trial of affliction, the abundance of their joy, and their deep poverty, had abounded unto the riches of their liberality," 2 Cor. viii. 2.

I am very sensible, that the Jews who lived out of their own country, and all the worshippers of God, in all parts of the world, had a special regard to the people of Jerusalem and Judea; and were very ready to contribute to them, when under difficulties. But a famine is a very sore evil; and if the disciples of Antioch had sent a supply to the brethren in Judea, when they were apprehensive of a great dearth among themselves, such an action would not have been simply related, but also commended; at least, this circumstance would have been taken notice. of. It seems to have been a very general contribution: but so far is there from being any hint of any straits they were in, that it is intimated they were in good circumstances:

a

'Hy signifies the earth: yet the coherence of the words in many places determines the meaning to some particular country. Jos. ii. 3, "They be come to search out all the "country" [yny]. Luke iv. 25, "But I tell you of a truth many widows were in Israel, when the heaven was shut up three years and six months, when great famine was throughout all the land, ent waσav tyy yyy." Not all the earth, but all the land of Israel; that being the country before mentioned. In like manner, oxaμery signifies, according to the original notation of the word, the habitable, or rather the inhabited earth: but the connexion of the discourse often restrains the meaning to some particular country. Isa. xiii. 5, "They came from a far country-to destroy the whole land." In the Septuagint version it is πασαν την οικεμένην· what goes before and follows shews, that a particular country is intended. Ver. 1, "The burthen of Babylon, which Isaiah the son of Amos did see." Ver. 19--22, " And Babylon the glory of kingdoms, the beauty of the Chaldees excellency, shall be as when God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah. It shall never be inhabited, neither shall it be dwelt in from generation to generation: neither shall the Arabian pitch tent there, neither shall the shepherds make their fold there. But wild beasts of the desart shall be there.--And the wild beasts of the islands shall cry in their desolate houses, and dragons in their pleasant palaces." I know very well that some understand the destruction of the whole land, in the 5th verse, of the whole Babylonian empire; but it is without reason. whole empire it is true, would be hereupon dissolved. But

The

i

any one may perceive, that the judgment threatened or foretold, is confined properly to the city and province of Babylon, the seat of the empire, and of the oppressions now to be avenged. Can any one bear the supposition, that the dreadful destruction described in this chapter extended, or was intended to extend to all the parts of the Babylonish empire? A note of St. Jerom upon Is. xiii. 4, 5, deserves to be inserted here as not a little to our purpose :-' ut disperdant omnem terram:' non quod totum orbem vastaverint, sed omnem terram Babylonis & Chaldæorum. Idioma est enim sanctæ scripturæ, ut omnem terram illius significet provinciæ, de qua sermo est: quod quidam non intelligentes ad omnium terrarum subversionem trahunt. Hieron. T. 3. p. 109. in.

St. Luke has himself used this word in this sense in another place. I think it cannot be disputed : Luke xxi. 26, "Men's hearts failing them for fear and for looking after those those things which are coming on the earth; or the land, των επερχομένων τῇ οικεμενη.-The whole discourse relates to the calamities that were coming, not upon the whole world, or the whole Roman empire, but the land of Judea, ver. 21, "Then let them that are in Judea flee to the mountains." Out of Judea therefore there would be safety, ver. 23, "But woe unto them that are with child, and to them that give suck in those days, for there shall be great distress in the land, and wrath upon this people. And they who should then be in the circumstances just mentioned, would then be particularly unhappy, because they would be unfit for flight. • Λιμον μείαν.

"Every man according to his ability determined," &c.-The phrase imports an easy and plentiful condition. If the dearth had reached to Antioch, St. Luke would not have said, "every, man, according as he abounded;" but would have been obliged to say, not regarding his own want or necessity, or the general calamity, or somewhat like it.

I hope no one will do me so much wrong, as to suspect, that I have attempted to put this meaning on the words, because I have no proof the famine was universal. For I declare, that if I thought the expressions here used, represented an universal dearth; and at the same time; perceived the ancient historians described only a particular one, I would have acknowledged the difficulty. But I think, the sense I have here represented, is the natural genuine sense of the words; and I persuade myself, the reader is now of the same opinion.