"Fuori tutti." All the persons in the pit and in the boxes quitted the theatre immediately. All these occurrences, and the hourly increasing danger, at length determined the government on proclaiming martial law-by this, however, we do not mean anything at all resembling a state of siege or courts-martial. It was merely a judicial form that had long existed in Italy, and was applied when brigandage prevailed to a considerable extent, and was nothing but an abbreviation of the usual judicial process. It depended on the judgment of the authorities whether a case should come within the judisdiction of martial law, or be left to be settled in the ordinary method. In the present instance, martial law was extended so as to embrace political offences. But there was no one to decide as to its application; the state machine had been long out of work, and the government would have sought in vain for a judge who would have lent himself to carry out martial law; for treason encompassed the viceroy in his palace, had found its way into the government offices, the municipalities, the post-office, the confessional, and the pulpit. We will add a few facts to prove this assertion. In the government of Milan there was a man of the name of Sandrini, a Triestine by birth, who soon rose from the post of copyist to that of director of the chancery. This man possessed the perfect confidence of the governor, was initiated into every secret, and was frequently sent with most important despatches to the ambassador at Turin; this trust he abused, to reveal all the secrets to the leaders of the revolution. On the departure of the Austrians from Milan, he had the impudence to make known all his services in the cause of the revolution in the public papers, because he was neglected. He took to flight at the end of the insurrection, and, probably, obtained a traitor's disgraceful reward at Turin. We may quote another case. It appeared very extraordinary that, shortly before the outbreak of the revolution, the field-marshal received no reports from the Venetian territory as to the state of matters there. He consoled himself with the reflection that tranquillity had not been disturbed by any émeute. During the street fights in Milan, Casati had the impudence to send Radetzky several opened despatches, among them one from Field-marshal d'Aspre, depicting the state of the Venetian provinces in very gloomy colours. As these reports must have been written before the commencement of the revolutionary struggle, they must have been given to Casati through the treachery of some post-office official. We must certainly allow that the Italian revolution, warned by several earlier disasters, on this occasion omitted nothing to obtain the victory. Mazzini's talent for we regard him as the leader, all others were only accomplices or instruments to his hand-had caused an unity and universality in this conspiracy, which renders it the most remarkable in the history of revolutions. He had succeeded, as far as possible, in preventing all isolated outbreaks. Although it is almost impossible to keep such an undertaking secret, no treachery had taken place, and the police could not succeed in finding out such facts as would lead to the proof. For that purpose, Mazzini had cleverly gained the chief organs of the governThe Italian princes had been dragged into the revolution almost without knowing how, with the exception of Charles Albert, who was fully initiated in their secrets, and only deceived himself by the belief ment. that he would be the heir of the revolution, while he must have fallen a sacrifice to it, even if he had been victorious in the war so treacherously commenced. Mazzini had no wish for an upper Italian empire under Charles Albert, for a federative state under Pio Nono; he desired an Italian republic, but this must be gradually effected, and Charles Albert serve as a bridge, till the season of his own overthrow arrived. While, therefore, the revolution was approaching a rapid development in the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, hatred and war against Austria were the watchwords in the remainder of Italy. Though the Piedmontese press regarded war as a settled affair, the cabinet answered the reclamations of the Austrian Envoy by assurances of friendship. Everything, however, that he saw and heard in Turin contradicted this. We do not think he was deceived, but fully agreed with Radetzky in the belief of an approaching war. The latter was so convinced that he would soon have to do with the Piedmontese, that he sent a brigade of observation to the Ticino, in order to be fully informed of all that took place on the frontier, and be able to repel the first attack of the volunteers, if they dared to cross the river in the presence of the brigade. He also took the same measures against Switzerland, where the victory over the Sonderbund had given the têtes montées the upper hand, and although the central government might not dare to outrage the law of nations, and suddenly attack Austria in alliance with Piedmont, still it scarce possessed the strength to present the formation of volunteer corps, and their appearance in the Lombardese territory. Any one who can properly estimate the field-marshal's difficult position, cannot refuse his admiration at the skill with which he and his little band escaped defeat. We purposely say defeat, for it would be a great error to suppose that the field-marshal, by his retreat in the Adige, yielded to the revolution: the history of the war furnishes a complete contradiction. On the 8th of February, the Piedmontese cabinet informed the Austrian envoy that the king had determined on giving his country a constitution. This declaration was also accompanied by the warmest expressions of friendship. When the news of the events in Milan reached Turin, the formation of free corps was openly determined to hasten to the assistance of the Milanese; all the newspapers urged participation in the crusade. The Austrian envoy demanded explanations, and only received renewed assurances of friendship on the 22nd. On the 23rd, Charles Albert's manifesto and declaration of war against Austria appeared. On the 25th, he started with his sons to join the army, and, on the 29th, he crossed in person the Ticino, faithlessly invading the territory of his old friend and ally. We need do no more than compare these dates. Charles Albert has been judged and condemned by history. The Italian revolution had treachery for its motto, a traitor for its champion, and how could it calculate on victory under such auspices? We have now brought our narrative up to the date we originally assigned it, to go further would be only trenching on the limits we proposed. We cannot, however, do better than close this paper by a quotation of the words addressed by our soldier-author to his comrades in "Austria now appears greater and more powerful than ever, and that, brothers, is your work! Maintain her in her glory! a glory you acquired by the sacrifice of such dear and noble lives! and may a worthier pen than ours hand down to latest ages, your renown, your fidelity, and your love to your emperor and fatherland!” arms: A WORD TO ENGLAND. I KNOW not if it be against all precedent, I know not if it be contrary to the rules of convenience and good taste, to address a nation's people from the pages of a monthly periodical: if so, I am about to break those rules. And yet, no matter: periodical, newspaper, pamphlet, were the sheets of all filled, and filled over again, with the subject I am venturing now to enter upon, they could not call forth all the deep consideration its importance demands. We frequently read and hear of the "signs of the times." Can it be possible that the signs of the present times, the whisper, the echo of what is passing around, can go unremarked and undigested by the thinking portion of England? Are you aware that it is said by those of an opposite creed, that creed which is subtly making its way amongst us, said openly amidst themselves, that our Protestant faith is gradually but surely going from us, and that we shall return to the blessings and trammels of Romanism ere half a century shall have elapsed? They have cause to hope it. However we may seek to disguise the truth, or palliate the fears, and although we boast of England's sons being far too enlightened to re-embrace a dark and superstitious creed, they have cause to hope it. It is known that many of you have not even yet recovered the astonishment which fell upon all, two years ago, now something more, when the whisper of that bold, strange measure, that the Pope was about to take upon himself the spiritual government of England, grew into a certainty. You could not fathom it. You knew that Pope Pius IX., infallible as he may deem himself, and aspiring as may be his Catholic nature, never would have dared, of his own accord, thus offensively to thrust himself forward, and assume a sway over this enlightened country. Who his mistaken advisers were, has never been clearly ascertained to this day. Some of them were guessed at, others not; and never would be, were the whole ambitious plot, from its rising, laid bare. Ambitious!-ay! more doubly cunning and ambitious than many of you can deem. Had England been true to herself and her Reformed Faith, had the eyes of England's people been open to the consequences of what was passing amidst themselves, this never would have taken place. Remember the fearful spread that Catholicism had been making in the land for a long while previously; think of the crowds of proselytes it had been wiling to its bosom. How many of these were ministers of the Established religion? Numbers, as you well know. These seceders from the Protestant Church you heard of, occupying, as they did, places so conspicuous in it, but how many thousands were there leaving her of whom you did not hear! Well, was anything done to stop this apostacy, either by England's laws or her secular ministers ? or, more grave inquiry still, by England's Episcopacy? You can answer the question for yourselves. How many ordained priests were there, professedly "Protestants," who were leading their congregation, step by step, to the very confines of Romanism? Images were suspended in churches, candles and flowers were placed upon altars, saints were worshipped, confession was held to be essential, penance salutary, and absolution was given. Dissensions and controversies were rife amongst the Church's ministers: one pastor (if such deserve the name) holding it to be right to preach in a black surplice; another, that no prayer could possibly ascend to the Throne of Heaven unless his garment were white: this one must turn his face to the east while he muttered the Belief; another must keep his face straight forward. And it is notorious that in many instances the congregation quitted the church in disgust, rather than continue even passive spectators of this ridiculous pastime. But did the empty pews bring the priest back to common sense? No. Did they draw down upon him the admonition of his bishop? No, no; save in one or two solitary cases. Did the prelates point out to these vacillating men, these minor clergy, that, until their flights of fanaticism should have passed, they were unfit to be entrusted with the guiding and conversion of souls; did they remind them that they professed to be ministers of the humble Saviour, and that He did not spend his time cavilling how he should be habited, and charge His disciples that their robes should be black, white, or grey, or that, otherwise, those to whom they preached the Word could not be admitted into Life? No ; still no! The Bench of Bishops remained indifferent and inactive. From what cause could have arisen their excessive tolerance, few, off the Bench, would be able to tell. But had they chosen to turn a resolutely deaf ear to the dignified disputes of whether a priestly incumbent should be arrayed in black or white-as it might happen to suit his vanity and his complexion-to the bowing and images, to the assumption of infallibility, and to all the rest of the " innovations," the open, repeated, and undisguised converts to Romanism should have aroused their alarmed surveillance. And they did not. 66 Was it any wonder, then, that Pope Pius listened to the temptings of ambition, and essayed openly a measure, having for its ultimate end the conversion of all England to Popery? That the scheme broke forth ere it was well matured-ere the land was quite prepared to receive it-was no fault of his, but an error in judgment of those who advised him, and who had kept their eager eyes upon England, gathering in the signs of her falling and lukewarm faith. Never, save for these dissensions and schisms in her own Church, would this wild insult have been thrust upon her. But it came. And what was done? How was it met? Public indignation was indeed roused to an unprecedented pitch and it is said that but for that universal and loud voice of indignation, ministers, when they met at the re-assembling of Parliament, would have done nothing. The country expected great things of them; for the far-famed letter of the Premier to the Bishop of Durham had gone forth, and was in everybody's mouth, for praise or for blame. A measure was passed a measure said to be intended to meet the aggression. But what sort of measure? One garbled and altered till scarcely any of the original was left; one that caused the Catholics to laugh a contemptuous, exulting laugh, and to force every true Protestant to blush for his country's legislators-that they who had sworn to defend her faith should thus keep their solemn oath. It is said that it never was in A WORD TO ENGLAND. I KNOW not if it be against all precedent, I know not if it be contrary to the rules of convenience and good taste, to address a nation's people from the pages of a monthly periodical: if so, I am about to break those rules. And yet, no matter: periodical, newspaper, pamphlet, were the sheets of all filled, and filled over again, with the subject I am venturing now to enter upon, they could not call forth all the deep consideration its importance demands. We frequently read and hear of the "signs of the times." Can it be possible that the signs of the present times, the whisper, the echo of what is passing around, can go unremarked and undigested by the thinking portion of England? Are you aware that it is said by those of an opposite creed, that creed which is subtly making its way amongst us, said openly amidst themselves, that our Protestant faith is gradually but surely going from us, and that we shall return to the blessings and trammels of Romanism ere half a century shall have elapsed? They have cause to hope it. However we may seek to disguise the truth, or palliate the fears, and although we boast of England's sons being far too enlightened to re-embrace a dark and superstitious creed, they have cause to hope it. It is known that many of you have not even yet recovered the astonishment which fell upon all, two years ago, now something more, when the whisper of that bold, strange measure, that the Pope was about to take upon himself the spiritual government of England, grew into a certainty. You could not fathom it. You knew that Pope Pius IX., infallible as he may deem himself, and aspiring as may be his Catholic nature, never would have dared, of his own accord, thus offensively to thrust himself forward, and assume a sway over this enlightened country. Who his mistaken advisers were, has never been clearly ascertained to this day. Some of them were guessed at, others not; and never would be, were the whole ambitious plot, from its rising, laid bare. Ambitious!—ay! more doubly cunning and ambitious than many you can deem. of Had England been true to herself and her Reformed Faith, had the eyes of England's people been open to the consequences of what was passing amidst themselves, this never would have taken place. Remember the fearful spread that Catholicism had been making in the land for a long while previously; think of the crowds of proselytes it had been wiling to its bosom. How many of these were ministers of the Established religion? Numbers, as you well know. These seceders from the Protestant Church you heard of, occupying, as they did, places so conspicuous in it, but how many thousands were there leaving her of whom you did not hear! Well, was anything done to stop this apostacy, either by England's laws or her secular ministers? or, more grave inquiry still, by England's Episcopacy? You can answer the question for yourselves. How many ordained priests were there, professedly "Protestants," who were leading their congregation, step by step, to the very confines of Romanism? Images were suspended in churches, candles and flowers were placed |