APRIL 2, 1832.]

The English Memorial.

[H. OF R.

the question on its reference. At the time of its introduc- society. The doctrine of the gentleman from Tennessee Was it to be tion, he said, he had very indistinctly heard the nature of [Mr. PoLK] was to him perfectly novel. it stated, or he should have objected to it then; he had maintained, that, because the constitution secured to Amesince, however, learned, on inquiry, that it was a memorial rican citizens the right of petitioning that House, it thereHad not signed by British subjects resident in Great Britain, pray-fore debarred all foreigners from doing so? ing for the abolition of slavery, and recommending an ap-memorials been frequently presented by foreigners, and propriation by the United States' Congress to the Coloniza- respectfully received? One of the most zealous reports he tion Society, for the better attainment of the object of had ever read, was that made in the Senate on the memoThe memorial had been presented that society in the colonization of colored people on the rial of a Mr. Sarchet. coast of Africa, or elsewhere. Mr. P. proceeded to to this House through the Speaker, but Mr. M. did not comment on the singular character of the petition, com- approve of its tenor, because it was in the nature of an ing, as it did, from foreigners resident in a foreign country, appeal from one branch of this Government to another. and relating to matters with which those who signed it But he would ask the gentleman from Tennessee, if a could not possibly have any concern. He did not attribute foreigner had received gross injustice in a case not reached any impropriety of conduct to the gentleman who pre- by the courts, whether he was to be prohibited from petisented it to the House-the well known character of the tioning that House, and, if he might do so when residing in member from Virginia shielded him from the possibility this country, would the circumstance of his residing of any imputation of improper motives in submitting this abroad make any difference? He considered the presentmemorial, he had no doubt that gentleman had acted with ing of a memorial to this Government an act of the highThe slave an honest conviction of its propriety and utility, but he est respect which a foreigner could pay to it. [Mr. P.] must be permitted to say that his views of the trade had been pronounced piracy: the British Government subject differed materially from those entertained by him. had so declared it, at our instance: and surely all foreignHe considered that foreigners had nothing whatever to ers, and every body else, had an interest in the putting do in respect to any measures which might be adopted in down of piracy. There was in the memorial a reference reference to this great question: their interference in it in to the subject of slavery; but no other reference to it, than the slightest degree was uncalled for and impertinent. such as had been contained in every memorial from the The subject itself was one of the greatest difficulty and Colonization Society. The memorialists did not pretend to delicacy--the agitation of that question, even by those who discuss the morality of slavery, or the propriety of its were most deeply interested in its adjustment, was a mat-abolition by the laws of the United States; they merely ter which required the utmost caution: the House were expressed, in respectful language, their belief that the scrupulous of acting on it, even upon the memorials of plan of colonization was calculated to effect the eventual American citizens, presented then by their own repre- destruction of slavery; nor could imagination devise any sentatives; how much more deliberality ought they then to other mode of accomplishing an object so desirable. Mr. have to consider it upon this application of foreigners? M. had not sought to conceal the nature of the memorial. When the memorial was presented by the gentleman from There was nothing in it which needed concealment. Virginia, he [Mr. P.] repeated that the customary sum- had not pretended that it was from American citizens, but mary of its contents and purport was so indistinctly made had distinctly announced that it came from British subBut that all doubt might be removed respecting as to be heard by him. He should, therefore, move a re-jects. consideration of the reference given to it. its object, or its language, he desired that the memorial If it should then apHere a question of order was raised; and, after it was should be read at the Clerk's table. disposed of,

He

pear that the paper contained any thing improper, Mr. M. Mr. POLK resumed. He was about, when interrupted, was willing that it should be laid on the table, or withdrawn to assign the reasons which appeared to him proper why from the House. His object in offering it had been to do the petition should not be referred. It was on a subject good. If the memorial was likely to do evil, he was wilwhich, however lightly touched, even by their own citi-ling to withdraw it. zens, never failed to produce excitement in that House, and agitation among constituents at home. effort, within his knowledge, which had ever been made by foreign subjects to interfere in this manner in the internal concerns of the States. He would not apply to it a remark which he was about to make upon the subject, but he would simply say that the petitioners, whoever they may be, as British subjects resident in Great Britain, had It was in Mr. POLK said he cared nothing about the reading of no right to apply to them on such a matter. the power of that House to cast the memorial from their the memorial, and was rather inclined to the opinion that Hall, and, indeed, if it were in order, in that stage of the it was better the paper should not be read. question, he would move its rejection. He trusted, how-withdrew his motion for the reading. ever, that, instead of referring it to a committee, the House would take steps to dispose of it so as to prevent similar annoyances in future.

Mr. DRAYTON, of South Carolina, was opposed to It was the first the reading, and said he should be very glad if the gentleman from Virginia would consent to withdraw the paper. Whoever had looked at it must, he should think, be convinced of the impropriety of having such a memorial read He believed that there was scarce one in that House. gentleman who, if he had read the memorial through, would ask to have it read at the Clerk's table.

He therefore

He

Mr. DRAYTON now stated his reasons more at length why a paper like this should not be read in the House. He was as strongly opposed to the slave trade as any philanMr. MERCER explained. He had distinctly stated at thropist who ever poured out orisons for the destruction the time he presented this memorial, that it came from of all engaged in it, in Europe, Africa, or America. British subjects resident in England. It was known to thought no punishment that could be devised was too many gentlemen who heard him, that the Colonization great to be inflicted on the man who had endeavored to Society had an agent abroad engaged in soliciting pecu- purchase pleasure through the instrumentality of that niary aid towards its resources. The memorial was re-hellish traffic. In all the maledictions which had been spectful in its tenor, nor was it justly chargeable with an heaped upon the trade, he most heartily concurred. But impertinent interference in our affairs. It did not pretend when he reflected on the situation of a large portion of to suggest any measures which ought to be pursued; it this Union, where slavery had become an inherent part of merely petitioned the Government to aid in the general the system of things, where it could be no more eradicatdesign of the abolition of slavery; and, as a means of doing so, that it would countenance the designs of the Colonization Society. The memorialists were members of that

ed, by any efforts of legislation, than the rays of light could be separated from the sun, or than the swamps of the South could be converted into the forests and prairies

of the West, he put it to gentlemen to say whether it was proper to introduce and agitate such a subject in that House. The discussion of it never failed to excite much feeling, and often led to harsh and angry debate. The subject was environed with difficulties, and Congress had repeatedly disclaimed all right to touch it. He hoped, therefore, the memorial would be withdrawn.

[APRIL 2, 1832.

How were

tlemen afraid to hear it? He trusted not. they to determine whether it should be referred or not? Was it to be dragged about the Hall till gentlemen should have an opportunity of reading it one by one? or were the newspapers so eager for matter to fill their columns, that gentlemen were afraid it would get into print? They must be aware that it could not get into the papers from merely Mr. MERCER said that, although his views respecting having been read at the Clerk's table. Was it not strange the memorial remained unchanged, he would comply with that gentlemen doubted their own patriotism so exceedthe suggestion of his friend from South Carolina, and ingly, that they could not trust themselves to hear a paper would consent to withdraw the memorial should the ques-read in their hearing? If the memorial contained any tion of reconsideration prevail. The question was now thing abusive, or disrespectful to the country, let it be about to be put; when scouted: none would be more prompt than he in voting it down; but he was not so distrustful of himself as to fear to hear it read.

sideration. From what quarter had it come? From the inhabitants of a foreign country, wholly unconnected with this Government: and was that House about to take jurisdiction of it? He thought not; and he believed that every gentleman who reflected coolly on the subject would agree with him that the desire of the gentleman from Virginia ought to be granted. None would go further than he in giving a just encouragement and support to the designs of the American Colonization Society; but a paper like this, instead of being calculated to promote those designs, operated in a manner directly the reverse, and tended to excite the strongest prejudice against them. The memorial could be productive of no good feeling, and he hoped it would be withdrawn.

Mr. BURGES demanded the reading of the paper. What it contained, he knew not; but he would not believe that a gentleman, so uniformily decorous in his deport- Mr. LETCHER said it was to be regretted that a subment, and so scrupulously correct in the observance of ject of that sort should have been introduced into the parliamentary order, would present to that House a me- House. He meant no disrespect towards the gentleman morial which it was unfit the House should hear. If the from Virginia, when he said it was his own opinion that the petition was of the nature which he understood it to be, it paper should not have been brought into the House. The certainly ought to be read. He had yet to learn that that gentleman, perceiving the effect it produced, had express House was actuated by such a lofty sentiment of exclusive ed a desire to take it back; he considered that desire as patriotism, that a petition coming from foreigners could honorable to the gentleman, and thought that it ought to not be heard within these walls. Had it come to this be complied with. Mr. L. had no objections to hear any Was there so little comity in the world that the inhabitants memorial addressed to the House; but it was not the ordiof one christian nation would not condescend even to hear nary course to have memorials read; and this one was on a petition addressed to them by another christian nation? a delicate subject, and had been introduced without conOr was the reading of the memorial objected to because it touched the foreign slave trade? If that were the ground, the slave trade was piracy; and would not that House listen to a petition from the very nation which had declared it piracy? Would it not listen to suggestions as to the propriety of lending our aid to the efforts of the civilized world for the abolition of that trade? The trade was not yet abolished; its abomination still continued to insult the light of heaven; it had no advocates on that floor, and why should gentlemen refuse to hear a memorial on the subject of its more effectual and speedy abolition? He objected utterly to a vote of reconsideration respecting any paper which had not been read to the House, especially a memorial presented by a gentleman so eminent for his respectful deportment towards that Mr. DRAYTON said that it was only in rare cases that body. he should object to the reading of any respectful address Mr. ARNOLD, of Tennessee, said he had never been to that House, and the ground taken by the gentleman more astonished than by what he now witnessed. There from Rhode Island was very good as a general principle; was no man who held a seat in that House, no man who but a subject such as that involved in this paper, always put his foot on American soil, who deprecated more ear- produced great excitement in that House. The petition nestly than himself all attempt on the part of foreigners came from persons resident in a foreign country, who were to interfere in the domestic concerns of this Government; not affected by our legislation; and, in refusing to consider whether that attempt should refer to the slave question, the memorial, the House invaded no rights guarantied by to the regulations of our commerce, or to our tariff of re- the constitution to American citizens. The gentleman venue, he would always raise his voice, and, when neces- who had presented it was universally admitted to be a gen sary, his arm too against it. But what was the question here? tleman of the highest character, and was greatly esteemed The SPEAKER reminded Mr. A. that the question was in that House for the uniform correctness of his deport not now on reconsideration, but only on the reading of ment. But not having well reflected on the probable con

the memorial.

sequences of introducing such a paper, he had introduced Mr. A. replied, that after the very great latitude of de- it as he would any other memorial; but that gentleman bate in which gentlemen had continually been indulged by himself had since become convinced that it ought not to be the Chair, he hoped he should be pardoned if he did not entertained here, and had expressed himself as willing to come to a hair's breadth in plumbing the question of or withdraw it. There were few gentlemen, he believed, der. A memorial had been presented to the House by a in the House, who were not acquainted with the peculiar gentleman of the highest respectability; it had been re- notions of the gentleman from Virginia on the subject of ceived and referred. Another gentleman had moved a colonization. That gentleman was charged (and Mr. D. reconsideration of the vote of reference; and now what did not mention it in derogation of his character) as being did they hear? That the paper respecting which they rather enthusiastic on that subject. He had devoted much were called to act, must not be read in the House! Who, of his time and his thoughts to it, as to one of the greatest Mr. A. asked, were they '--and to whom was that paper objects which could engage the solicitude of a statesman, addressed? To the slaves on their plantations? Was the and he was known to urge every bill and resolution which motion that it should be read to their slaves, or to the re- he thought calculated to promote that great object. Yet presentatives of freemen, capable of judging of the pro- this was the individual who now expressed a wish that the priety or the impropriety of its tenor? If, on being read, memorial should be withdrawn. Could a stronger argu it should be found to be unworthy of the action of that ment be urged to show the impropriety of its being read? House, let the paper be scouted out of it.

But were gen

Mr. POLK said that the object he had in view had now

APRIL 2, 1832.]

The English Memorial.

[H. OF R.

been effected, since the gentleman from Virginia was in- ing State would cast a firebrand into that House on the duced to withdraw the memorial, as the gentleman himself subject of slavery? Would such a gentleman bring before was now satisfied that it had not been proper to present the House an object not fit to be looked at? Had it come such a paper. Mr. P. should not extend the debate. He to this, that they who resided in States free from slave was totally at a loss to conceive what object the gentleman population would not so much as look on gentlemen who from Rhode Island expected to effect. The gentleman were not so fortunate with a feeling of brotherhood? He who had introduced the paper was ready to withdraw it, had for six years occupied a place on that floor; and he yet the gentleman from Rhode Island would preclude him appealed to gentlemen to say whether he had ever raised from doing it. It had been no part of Mr. P.'s purpose a question there, calculated in any manner to disturb the to bring before the House a subject so exciting, but hav-tenure by which a portion of the Union held its control ing imperfectly heard the description in the memorial, over slave labor. He did not ask for the reading of this further than that it was in favor of the Colonization Socie-paper with the remotest wish to injure gentlemen from ty, he had gone to the Clerk's table to examine the paper the slave States. But it was impossible for him to vote infor himself, and on looking at it he soon found that it went telligently on the question of reconsideration, unless the much further. The memorialists set themselves up grave-paper was read. Four or five gentlemen had stated two ly to instruct the American Congress in the doctrine that or three things about the contents of the memorial. human liberty could not long exist in a country where the mixed condition of freedom and slavery was found; and, inasmuch as we were now so happy as to be free from a public debt, we ought to apply our surplus revenue to the object of colonizing our people of color. Mr. P. insisted that this was an impertinent interference in our affairs. He by no means impugned the motives of the gentleman from Virginia, who was now ready to relieve the House from all difficulties on the subject. But if the debate was to go on, he warned gentlemen that a discussion would ensue, such as perhaps had never been witnessed in that Hall.

But had all the gentiemen on that broad floor heard these statements? Would not this subject go to the four winds of heaven? Did gentlemen think to smother such a discussion? or did they desire that it should be said that the Congress of the United States had passed its vote so sullenly, that they would not even hear a paper read, lest it should cut loose the tenure of slave labor? Mr. B. feared no such thing. He wanted to see if those who lived in a foreign country, and who came before that House in the attitude of respectful memorialists, had transgressed the laws of comity, or improperly interfered in our concerns. If they had recommended to us to abolish slavery in this Mr. SEMMES expressed a hope that the gentleman country, he should be disposed to tell them, Gentlemen, you from Rhode Island would withdraw his motion. It could know nothing at all about the ties which bind together produce no good result, even if the memorial were of a the population of this land--if you did, you would never tenor proper to be read. But gentlemen who had seen think of hazarding the freedom of thirteen millions of men, it assured the House it was not, and he hoped the gen- for the sake of the imaginary prospect of emancipating tleman would withdraw his motion. The petitioners were comparatively a few. It had been said that foreigners did memorializing the House on a subject not only uncon-not possess the right of petition. True; but were not the nected with themselves, but on which the House had no subjects of Great Britain now memorializing Congress in constitutional power to act. All control of this subject favor of a modification of the tariff laws? And was not belonged to the States in their individual capacity, and Mr. Sarchet lauded to the skies for undertaking, by way not to the General Government. Mr. S. said he was as of memorial, to teach this country what were its true intewarm and ardent a friend to the Colonization Society as rests? The great question of the abolition of slavery emany gentleman in that House, and he came from a State braced the interests of the whole world. Who was there which had done more in behalf of the design of coloniza- that possessed the feelings of humanity that did not breathe tion than all the Union besides. But he could not agreea fervent aspiration that the day might come when every that this question should in any wise be connected with human being that saw the light might be free? And was that society. Its only effect could be to render it unpo-it a crime to address to a man who wielded the command pular. Foreigners, as such, did not possess the right of of slave labor a wish like this? Was it not a subject which petition. It was true Mr. Sarchet had been favorably justified not only the entertainment, but the expression of received, but it was on a subject in which he had a personal interest. He resided here, and carried on a branch of trade. The petition referred to that trade. His case, therefore, was not at all parallel to the present. These memorialists were speaking to the House, not about their own concerns. Gentlemen from the non-slaveholding States could form no idea what effect the agitating of such a question produced in the slaveholding States. Some of those States were as anxious for the abolition of slavery as these memorialists or any one else could be. But they chose to do it in their own way, and did not need either ladies or foreigners to dictate their course of conduct.

the most ardent desire? And why should the House treat the present memorialists in a different manner from those who memorialized it on the subject of the tariff laws? If Mr. B. could act in a matter which he did not understand, he should not ask to hear the memorial. But if the House thought it most proper that the paper should pass from hand to hand, instead of being read by the Clerk for the information of the whole House, so be it.

Mr. MERCER said he could not consent that the question should be taken until his own views in relation to it were more distinctly understood. He was not aware that there was any thing in that paper which ought so strongly Mr. BURGES said that there was no gentleman to to excite the House. But if it contained any thing that whose request he would more readily respond, than thecould be a cause of excitement, it was merely the refergentleman from Maryland, who had just taken his seat.ence to a fact which was known by all men.

Mr. M.

But Mr. B. could not act as that gentleman wished him said that he had never brought into that House any questo do, without a sacrifice of his own understanding. Gen-tion with a view to produce agitation. It was indeed true tlemen gave him reasons against reading the memorial, that those who sought great and valuable public objects, which they had learned from the paper itself, and yet they were sometimes obliged to urge them at the expense of would not permit him to hear it. How could he vote great agitation. But he considered it as a severe reproach against acting on a paper, the contents of which he could to charge any man with doing this unnecessarily. He had not know? A B and C told him that it had this and this not erred in presenting that paper; but, in conceiving what But the remainder of the House who kept their would be the effect of that paper, he could never have seats knew nothing it contained, and yet were called upon, anticipated that it would have produced a debate of such in the name of peace, not to urge its being read. Could a character. He should be one of the last in that House it be possible that a gentleman coming from a slavehold-¦ to yote for the object which some gentlemen supposed to

in it.

YOL. VIII--147

[APRIL 2, 1832.

fault of the South? No. The fault lay with the land of ships. It was the ship owners of the North who had sent out their vessels, brought the Africans to the Southern shores, sold them for a valid consideration, pocketed the money, and then went home, purchased houses, and es tablished factories. They had erected vast stone buildings, and filled them with manufactures; but they were founded on the groans and tears of wretched Africans. Mr. B. said he was astonished when he listened to the remarks of the gentleman from Virginia, for more reasons than one. He entirely disclaimed the reception of any favors from that quarter. He did not regard that gentleman as a true representative of the slaveholding States. He was a recreant to the cause.

[The CHAIR reminded the gentleman from South Carolina that such remarks were not in order.]

be contained in that memorial, unless with a condition; ject of slavery. But whose fault was it that the South the abolition of slavery was no object of desire to him, labored under what the gentleman called a curse? The unless accompanied by colonization. So far was he from desiring it, unaccompanied by this condition, that he would not live in a country where the one took place without the other. And he would say further, that he had acted in perfect consistency with that opinion for twenty-two years that he had been in public life. Memorialists explained the object they had in view, and he believed most conscientiously that colonization was the only mode to obtain it. He might appeal in that temple of law, as he would in the temple of religion, to the highest Power that he looked to, to bear witness that he looked to the Colonization Society as about to have it in their power, not indeed in thirty or forty years, not perhaps within a century, but ultimately, to transplant the whole colored race from the shores of America to the shores of Africa. He had never, as a slaveholder, considered the designs of that society as trenching on his rights. He should be glad if his own slaves would go to Africa. He had invited them to go there. He tendered his thanks to the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. DRAYTON] for the kind language with which he had been pleased to speak of him; but with regard to the charge of enthusiasm, the gentleman was entirely mistaken. It was not enthusiasm from which he had acted in advocating the colonization cause. He had reflected deeply on that subject, and had deliberately given to it the cold assent of his judgment; though he did not deny that it enlisted the warmest feelings of his heart. He had consented to withdraw the memorial, only because he found that it was not likely to do the good he had hoped. He still regarded it as perfectly innocent, and he intended, for his own vindication, that it should go in its entire form before the public. He hoped, however, that he should have the opportunity to withdraw it.

Mr. B. said there had always been a disposition in that House to agitate the slave question. It had often been manifested. The next step would be to patronize the Colonization Society; and then, he supposed, the next would be to apply to its designs the surplus revenueto appropriate their own money to purchase their own property.

[The CHAIR again called the gentleman to order.} He could tell gentlemen, that when they moved that question seriously, they from the South would meet it elsewhere. It would not be disputed in that House, but in the open field, where powder and cannon would be their orators, and their arguments lead and steel.

[The manner of Mr. BLAIR was very vehement, and at his concluding words there was a general burst of laughter.]

Mr. DICKSON, of New York, said he found himself Mr. INGERSOLL said he should vote against the read- very much in the situation of the gentleman from Rhode ing of this paper, because, as matters now stood, the Island. He was ignorant of the contents of the memorial, House was not called to act upon it. The gentleman who and could not act upon it until he knew what it contained. had introduced this petition wished to withdraw it, and He should not undertake to notice the remarks of the courtesy required that the same indulgence should be ex-gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. BLAIR.] The ultima tended to that gentleman which was shown to all others ratio regum need not now be resorted to. The time was making a like request. The subject was not, in reality, not yet come for measures of that character. The petibefore the House for its action; and why should the paper tion had been introduced into the House by a member in be read? He admitted to the gentleman from Rhode his place, its character had been announced with a clear Island, that foreigners ought to be permitted to come to and distinct voice, such as all the House might hear; it the House by petition, whenever they desired, on their had been referred in regular course to an appropriate own behalf, privileges which the House alone could grant. committee, and the motion was now made to withdraw it. But it was manifestly most improper that they should at-If that could be done without the action of the Housetempt, by memorial, to interfere with the policy of this country, domestic or foreign. The memorial contained a suggestion as to the best mode of disposing of our surplus revenue. What would be thought in the British Parliament, if an American petition should be introduced there in behalf of the starving, potatoe-fed population of Ireland? or suggesting considerations in favor of the reform bill?

Mr. BOON said, if the gentleman from Rhode Island persevered in his motion, he should demand that the question on reading should be taken by yeas and nays; but the House refused to order them.

Mr. WICKLIFFE inquired of the Chair whether a vote on the question of reconsideration would not place the memorial on the journals of the House.

The SPEAKER replied in the negative. If it should! not prevail, the memorial would remain in committee. If it did prevail, the memorial, he understood, would be withdrawn.

Mr. BLAIR, of South Carolina, said that he cared very little whether the memorial was read or not, or what disposition was made of it. A disposition to tamper with the slave question had been manifested, and he cared not how soon gentlemen played the game out. The gentleman from Rhode Island had reproached the South on the sub

[Here the CHAIR interposed, and reminded the gentleman from New York that the immediate question was not on withdrawing the petition, but on reading it.]

Mr. DICKSON said he should confine himself to that question. He was asked to vote upon the question of reading, with a direct reference to a subsequent motion to withdraw the memorial. He was not prepared to act on such a motion without first hearing the memorial read. He could not act in the dark, nor vote in reference to a subject that he knew nothing about. He trusted that no representative on that floor would think of voting on any question, until he had some knowledge of the facts involv ed in it. To do so, would be highly undignified in the representative of a free and intelligent people, and, in his own case, he would say, highly improper.

If, as had been said, the paper contained arguments unfit to be addressed by foreigners to that House-if it appealed to this Government, proposing any action with a view to the abolition of slavery, whatever might be his opinion on the general subject, he should cheerfully consent to its being withdrawn, as intermeddling with a question which belonged exclusively to ourselves. Other gentlemen, however, insisted that the paper contained nothing improper, and that the impertinence charged was a mere matter of inference. Between those opposite re

APRIL 2, 1832.]

The English Memorial.

[H. OF R.

presentations, could he be expected to act without know- meant nothing disrespectful to the honorable gentleman. ing what the paper did contain? He conceived not, and, therefore, he should vote for the reading.

It might have been, he hoped it was, he believed it was, a misconception of the true nature of that paper, and a Mr. PATTON, of Virginia, said that it was much to momentary forgetfulness of the impropriety of the step, be regretted that all subjects which came before that which had occasioned the gentleman to introduce it. But House could not be discussed without producing excite- still, if the thing was in itself a firebrand, sure to light up ment; but so long as deliberative bodies were composed the flames of discord, it was proper that the people should of men, and so long as all men were not philosophers, know it. It had been said by the gentleman from Rhode there were some topics which always must and would pro- Island that the House ought to hear the petition, out of duce excitement, and unhappily it was too often the case respect to the honorable gentleman who had introduced that the excitement, connected with the subjects them-it. But that gentleman himself wished it to be withdrawn, selves, was aggravated by exasperating and even insulting and it could surely imply no disrespect to him to refuse to language employed by those who were engaged in the hear that which he was anxious to withdraw from the discussion. For himself, he had been willing that the pre- House. For one, he should not take it for granted that sent subject should pass silently, quietly, and secretly from every thing which every member might introduce into the House, as it had entered it. He was glad, very glad, that House was decorous of course. He would, indeed, to witness the sentiment expressed in all parts of the presume so, until he knew otherwise; but when he was House, that it was improper such a paper should have been possessed of the matter contained in the paper-introduced there. He was glad that the sentiment seem- [Here Mr. REED called the gentleman from Virginia ed to be so universal, that the gentleman from Virginia to order. The paper was not in the House, and it was not [Mr. MERCER] had, in this matter, fallen into an indiscre-in order to speak to its contents. tion which should be remedied by letting the House get rid of the paper in the shortest mode practicable, so as in some degree to atone for the original error of its intro- Mr. P. said he had confined himself to that question, duction. But it seemed that some gentlemen were not and was endeavoring to answer the reasons that were dispose to permit this. They insisted on hearing the urged to show that the paper ought to be read; and with memorial read. Why? To what end? A rule of the that view he again said that it was manifesting no disreHouse required that a member, when introducing a peti-spect to his colleague to refuse the reading of his paper. tion or memorial, should succinctly state to the House its The House knew from that gentleman himself what was general character, and the object prayed for. In the pre- its general tenor. They knew, for he had told them, that sent case, this rule had been complied with, but he did it was a memorial from certain British subjects, who not believe that the statement of his colleague had been heard by ten members in the House.

The CHAIR reminded the gentleman from Virginia that the question was upon the reading.]

prayed that House to take steps to promote the designs of the Colonization Society, and finally to accomplish The general character of the petition had, however, universal emancipation. He had, therefore, a right to since been stated in the discussion, and Mr. P. inquired speak of it as a document coming from persons who poswhether there was one gentleman on that floor who would sessed no constitutional right to address that House, and say that such a paper, upon such a subject, coming from who had addressed it on a subject upon which that House such a source, was a proper object for the action of that had no right to act. But should it still be contended House. Why, then, should it be read? Would not gen- that a refusal would involve disrespect to the member, tlemen all have rejected it, had they known its features? Mr. P., for one, could not consent to tolerate a thing in He trusted in God there were not ten men within those itself improper, because the gentleman who had introducwalls who would have consented to receive it. Why, ed it was to be presumed unwilling to be guilty of an then, should it be read at the Clerk's table? Mr. P. said indecorum. It was not the motives of a gentleman, howhe should not, have risen but for a sentiment which had ever good, that should induce that House to manifest the fallen from at least one gentleman, that the opposition of slightest respect to such a document. No man should be gentlemen from the South arose from their being afraid to allowed to scatter firebrands, arrows, and death, and then hear the paper read. Afraid! Of what? Of whom? Afraid to ask, Am I not in sport?

to read this miserable invocation to universal emancipa- Mr. BRIGGS, of Massachusetts, said he had run his tion, addressed to that House by subjects of Great Britain, eye over the memorial, and he believed that when it when they heard, from day to day, and he trusted with- should be laid before the public, the people would be out fear, the ravings of incendiary fanatics from a part of greatly surprised at the debate to which it had given our own country! Afraid, when the subject of abolition birth. He was satisfied that there had been no intention had been agitated with open doors in the State Legisla- on the part of those who offered the memorial to touch tures, and was daily discussed in the presses of the South! upon that very delicate subject which was so apt to proAfraid to listen to a miserable effusion of this sort! No. duce excitement in that House. Regarding, however, But what they were afraid to do was, to give any sanction, that subject as one which belonged exclusively, by the to affix any respectability, to an insolent interference, by constitution and laws of the country, to that portion of foreigners, in the affairs of a portion of the States of this the Union where the colored population was chiefly Union, who would not even suffer the General Govern- found, he concurred in the opinion that it ought to be ment itself to legislate in reference to them--an inter- avoided as a fruitful source of excited feeling. He had ference with the subject, respecting which more than one risen, however, principally in reference to a course of memorial, coming from our own citizens, had been indig- remark which had more than once been indulged in upon nantly thrown out of that House. He repelled such a that floor. He had heretofore endured it in silence, but he taunt upon the South with the scorn it merited. Southern thought it was no longer his duty to do so. The gentlegentlemen were not afraid to hear the miserable paper man from South Carolina [Mr. BLAIR] had, under a very He was glad to hear the gentleman from Virginia highly wrought state of feeling, made some allusion to [Mr. MERCER] announce his intention to let the memorial that portion of country from which Mr. B. came, and be seen by all the people of the United States. He was by some strange mental process had connected the subject especially glad that the people of Virginia, and that the of slavery with the manufacturers of the North. The constituents of the gentleman himself, would have an op- gentleman had said that the groans of the suffering portunity of knowing what it was that that gentleman had Africans— seen fit to throw into that arena as a brand to kindle up the flames of discord in that House. In saying this, he

read.

[Here Mr. BLAIR asked leave to explain. His meaning had been that it was the ship owners that had brought