and he lost the motion by 87 to 175. And so the differential duty continued till, in August 1846, Lord John Russell reduced the duty on slave-labour sugar from 31. 38. to 2l. 2s., and in 1848 finally equalised the duties on all free and slave labour sugars. The results of these reforms in the sugar duties will hereafter appear in an immense increase in the consumption of sugar, in a great expansion of the revenue, and more especially in an increased trade with all sugar-producing countries. A great change indeed took place in this branch of industry; and another proof was afforded of the soundness of the doctrine that high duties are injurious rather than beneficial to the revenue, by checking the consumption and restricting the commerce of the country. An interesting moral problem was before the Legislature in this discussion on sugar duties. Slavery was a great wrong, a crying evil, and the nation cheerfully paid twenty millions to get rid of it in all the colonies. Treaties had been concluded with foreign countries for the extinction of the slave trade, and a fleet of vessels was being maintained at great expense, to prevent the carrying of slaves. Should we, in the face of all this, open the British market to the slave produce of Cuba and Brazil, and thus undo with one hand what we did with the other? No, said the West India planter, interested in his monopoly. Certainly not, said the philanthropic abolitionist. But there was no evidence to show that the prohibition of the importation of foreign sugar into the United Kingdom had operated to the discouragement of slavery in the sugar-producing colonies. We were, moreover, receiving thankfully any quantity of cotton, and had no objection to the importation of tobacco, from the United States of America, which were also the produce of slave labour, whilst all the while we were narrowing the supply of one of the necessaries of life to the masses of the people, which they could ill spare. This was indeed demanding a sacrifice too great for an object of doubtful utility, and the differential duties had eventually to be abandoned.2 Years had to pass before slavery was abolished by Spain and Portugal, and before the smuggling of slaves from Africa was effectually suppressed. But a higher restraint than prohibitions or high duties was the verdict of the world against the institution of slavery. Whatever be the interest at stake, no civilised nation can with impunity act in opposition to the moral sense of mankind, or the dictates of religion and humanity. 2 The sugar duties have been subjected to great changes. After the equalisation of duties on slave-labour and free-labour sugar, a distinction was introduced in 1845 between sugar equal to white clayed and not equal to white clayed, the rates varying also according to the countries whence sugar was imported. In 1854 this further distinction was abolished, and after other changes, from May 2, 1870, the duties have been established at 58. 8d. for unrefined first class; 58. 3d. for second class; 48. 9d. for third class; 48. per cwt. for fourth class, including juice; 18. 9d. for molasses; and 68. per cwt. for sugar refined and candy. Finally, from June 25, 1874, all kinds of sugar were ad mitted into the United Kingdom, duty free. CHAPTER XIII. POSTAL REFORMS. State of Postage in 1839.-Introduction of the Penny Postage.-Principles of Sir Rowland Hill's Reform.-Financial Results.-Formation of a Postal Union. Increase of Correspondence in the United Kingdom. Before PROMINENT among the internal reforms introduced in modern times stands the simple contrivance known as the penny postage, which so greatly facilitated intercourse with the most distant parts, cemented the bonds of family relationship, promoted the diffusion of knowledge, strengthened the cords of national life, and contributed in a wonderful manner to unity of political feeling throughout the country. It was indeed a great reform. its introduction the lowest general post rate was fourpence, and even when the twopenny post was adopted that rate was only for the conveyance of a single letter from any post office in Great Britain to any place not more than eighty miles off, increasing according to distance, so that a letter from London to Edinburgh was charged 13d. In Ireland the postage rate was somewhat different, and between Great Britain and Ireland higher rates were charged. The general average charge on all single letters conveyed by the general post was between 7d. and 7d. We may well imagine what a check this high rate imposed on general intercourse, how unwilling the people were to write except in cases of absolute necessity, and in how many ways the high postage was evaded. The franking of letters had been greatly abused, it being quite common for members of Parliament to sign a large packet of covers at once and to supply them to friends in large quantities. These were sometimes sold, and often given to servants in lieu of wages. And the smuggling of letters was very prevalent. The high rate of postage not only hindered social and commercial intercourse, but greatly injured the revenue, which for many years had remained quite stationary. It was under such circumstances that Mr. (afterwards Sir) Rowland Hill set himself to study the postal system, and propounded his popular scheme of a uniform penny postage. As he analysed the cost of conveying a letter through the post office, Sir Rowland Hill found it to consist, first, of the expense of receiving and preparing the letter for the journey, and taxing each letter with a distinct rate of postage; secondly, of the cost of transit from post office to post office; and thirdly, of the expense of delivering the letters; whilst the rate of postage was made to depend entirely on the distance, which constituted, in reality, but a small fraction of the cost. It seemed natural to charge more for a letter from London to Edinburgh than for one from London to Bristol, but in reality the greater distance made no material difference in the cost. The great expense arose from the difficulty of weighing each letter, detecting the slightest enclosure, and receiving the charge on delivery. Diminish these and a uniform rate becomes practicable. Hence the happy idea of a uniform penny postage for all letters, on condition of the prepayment of letters by stamped labels. The suggestion was the result of careful thought and study, and experience proved that the calculation was based on solid foundations. No sooner was the project made public than it attracted great and hearty support. Petition upon petition were presented to Parliament in favour of the scheme. Lord Brougham, who at once seized on the proposal, reminded the Lords of the reception given in 1784 to the postal reforms suggested by Mr. Palmer. Pressure was exercised from all quarters on the Post Office authorities for the adoption of the penny postage. They, however, were hostile to any experiment in that direction, and again and again replied that it was inexpedient and impossible. But a reform so needful and benificent was not allowed to be stifled by the objections advanced by the officers of the Post Office, and in a short time from its first promulgation Sir Rowland Hill's plan was carried into effect. By it many important organic improve ments were introduced, among which a large reduction in the rate of postage; the adoption of the charge by weight abolishing the charge for mere enclosures; the prepayment of correspondence; the simplification of the mechanism and accounts of the department; the establishment of a book post; increased security of valuable letters by reducing the registration fee; great extension of the money order system; more frequent and more rapid communication between the metropolis and the larger provincial towns; a vast extension of rural deliveries; a great extension of free deliveries; greatly increased facilities for the transmission of foreign and colonial correspondence; a more speedy despatch of letters when posted; a more prompt delivery on arrival; and the division of London and its suburbs into ten postal districts. Into the practical results of the scheme, financially as well as socially, it is needless to enter. Its success has far exceeded all anticipations. Sir Rowland Hill calculated that the number of letters would increase fivefold, that the gross revenue would continue at about the same amount, and that the net revenue would suffer a loss of about 300,000l. The results showed that the letters in a very short time increased not five, but eight or ten fold; that the gross revenue, instead of remaining the same, increased more than a million and a half; and that the net revenue, instead of diminishing by 300,000l., rose more than 400,000l. The plan was in every aspect a remarkable one, and not only England but the world owes a deep debt of gratitude to the great originator of the penny postage. The progress of the penny postage at home and abroad affords. a remarkable illustration of the ready acceptance of any beneficial reform, and of the harmonious co-operation now afforded by all civilised states in the advancement of whatever will contribute to the common good. No sooner was the penny postage successfully introduced in this country, than colony after colony, and state after state, adopted similar measures, and in nearly every instance the Post Office revenue was greater at the reduced rate of postage than it was when the rate was considerably higher; the crowning point of the system being the postal union, concluded in 1874 and renewed in 1878. The parties to that union were Great Britain and the British Colonies and British India, the Argentine Republic, Austria and Hungary, Belgium, Brazil, Denmark and Danish colonies, Egypt, Germany, France and French colonies, Greece, Italy, Japan, Luxemburg, Mexico, Montenegro, Norway, Netherlands and the Dutch colonies, Peru, Persia, Portugal and Portugnese colonies, Roumania, Russia, Salvador, Servia, Spain and Spanish colonies, Swi zerland, Sweden, and Turkey. The effect of the penny postage and of the increase of commerce on British correspondence may be gathered from the following number of chargeable letters delivered in the United Kingdom. CHAPTER XIV. COMMERCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS, 1830-1840. Opening of the Trade of India.-Effect of Commercial Crises on Prices.Increase of Population.-State of Finances.-Poor Relief and Savings Banks.-Treaties of Commerce.-Progress of Science.-Progress of Trade. THE previous decennium ended with trade much depressed, with wages reduced, and with great distress in the agricultural districts, and no improvement was experienced till 1833, when an abundant crop of wheat, cheapness of provisions, and a consequent extension of trade combined to impart a general revival. In that year also the trade with China, hitherto a monopoly of the East India Company, was open to all British subjects, and much was expected from the opening of Asia as a large outlet for British merchandise. In 1834-6 several large railways were constructed, notably the Great Western, the Eastern Counties, the Great North of England, and the Midland Counties. Several foreign loans were also contracted, and accounts came of excessive overtrading in America. Hence the panic of 1836, and with it a ruinous fall of prices and enormous losses. According to a table compiled by Mr. Porter, of the Board of Trade, of the comparative prices of fifty articles at the beginning of each year, taking 1000 to be the prices in January 1833, in the month of September the prices of those fifty articles attained their lowest point. In August 1836 they were 1.3460. In September 1837 they fell to 1.1321. How far the rise and subsequent fall of prices were produced or influenced by the state of the circulation is a subject of great controversy among economists. Similar calculations have since then been made by leading economists, in order to ascertain the existence of any general cause influencing all prices and wages at the same time, such as the fall or rise of the value of gold. The difficulty, however, of arriving at any conclusive result by such a method is great, from the variety of causes influencing each article specially. There may, indeed, be a concurrence of circumstances affecting the prices of each of the several articles, as well as the value of labour, at certain times, and we must take these into account before we can establish that, apart from them, any great operating cause influenced them all. Time, moreover, is an |