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during the war as well as now. The rebels claim in effect that there has been no war. But let them look around at the desolation they have caused, and they will see their mistake. All loyal men indorse the policy of Congress. It ill becomes the chivalrous men of the South, as they call themselves, to talk of the injustice administered to them by the Government which they tried to destroy. If they do not like the Government, let them go to Brazil or Mexico. They say they were overpowered. Have they just found out that in this country the prime principle is that the majority shall rule. Are they any better than the loyal black man who fought for his country 2 I say take the whole masses of the colored people in Louisiana, and they are better educated than the rebels are—not in Latin and Greek—but in politics, and that is the necessary education required by a voter. You have learned two important lessons— to hate slavery and to abhor treason. Moral voters are more needed by the Government now than intellectual voters. Congress and the convention of 1864 both favor universal suffrage. We have now no constitution in this State, and you are in your primitive capacity. Then you have already acquired the right of suffrage—you have not got to acquire it. But you are hindered in exercising it, and the object of the convention is to remove these hindrances in conjunction with your friends at the North.” The speaker concluded by paying tribute to the efforts made by Sumner, Phillips, and others at the North in the cause of universal suffrage, and assuring his audience that their efforts would not be in vain, and that the great object before them would soon be accomplished.
The outside meeting was called to order by Mr. Judd, who nominated Judge Hawkins as chairman. Hon. John Henderson was introduced, and spoke at considerable length. He said: “The convention will meet. He, as a member, wanted no arms. He had the arms of the State and the arms of the military authorities. The convention and the constitution had been supported by two Presidents, and by the army and navy. Judge Heistand spoke as follows: “ Fellow-Citizens : The decree of God has gone forth that there shall be universal freedom and universal suffrage throughout the South. The men who got up this war effected emancipation, and by the course which they are now pursuing they will be forced to yield universal suffrage. He spoke of the convention, and said, in substance, that if the Executive of the State needed anything to enforce the law, that power was here. The great power of American citizenship was in obeying the laws. “He asked whether there was any justice in allowing 25,000 to have all the political power and do all the voting for 60,000 men in the State 2 Congress is abused for not admitting the Representatives from the South by the mass of those who have but recently returned from fighting against the very Government in which they claim a representation. They have the modesty to say: ‘We’ll do all the voting—you’ll do all the working.” “The Rev. Mr. Horton held up an advertisement of an Accident Insurance Company, with Gen. Johnston at its head, and hence he thought they were all safe here. He alluded to the scene in Boston when Anthony Burns, a fugitive slave was marched down State street, surrounded by a cordon of bayonets, to be carried back into slavery, and regarded the present scene as a contrast. We are here to-night as preliminary to reconvoking the convention of 1864 and 1866. “Dr. Dostie closed the outside meeting by an eloquent speech, which was applauded to the echo, and the vast crowd, at his request, commenced forming with those from the inside meeting, for the torch-light procession, which was one of the grandest and most enthusiastic displays of the kind which has ever taken place in this city. At least 5,000 loyal disfranchised citizens formed in compact columns, and with bright torches, to the sound of loyal music, marched down Canal street, making the air resound with cheer upon cheer, for universal suffrage, Congress, and the convention which is about to assemble to give them suffrage. “The steady march and stalwart forms of those composing the procession afforded unmistakable evidence that they had battled for the Union, and were determined, if necessary, to fight again for the right of suffrage, without which their freedom is but an empty sound.” Said William Lloyd Garrison at a public reception given him in England: “One of the most gratifying incidents of my life was to have been invited by the United States government, together with my dear friend and coadjutor, George Thompson, to accompany General Anderson to Fort Sumter, to see the star spangled banner once more unfurled on its walls. “We went into Charleston, meeting with a very cordial reception at the hands of the freed men, who extemporised a procession of a mile or a mile and a half long, and composed of old and young, and with a band of music they marched us through all the principal streets of that city, singing ‘John Brown's body lies mouldering in the grave, but his soul is marching on.’ [cheers]—and giving cheers for Abraham Lincoln and a good many other persons. I began the Anti-Slavery cause in the North in the midst of brick-bats and rotteneggs: I finished the struggle on the soil of Carolina, in Charleston, almost literally buried beneath the wreaths and flowers which were heaped upon me.” The same liberty-loving spirit which led Garrison to rejoice in the freedom of humanity in Charleston, actuated Dostie and his friends, on the night of the 27th of July—when he marched at the head of thousands of free colored men, and assembled around the Statue of Henry Clay on Canal street, New Orleans—to sing praises to the memory of John Brown, and to exult over their future prospect of political rights. Previous to the meeting of July 30th, Mayor Monroe wrote to the Commanding General the following letter:
“MAYoFALTY OF NEw ORLEANs,
“Brevet Major-Gen. Baird, Commanding, etc.
“GENERAL:—A body of men, claiming to be members of the Convention of 1864, and whose avowed. object is to subvert the Municipal and State Governments, will, I learn, assemble in this city on Monday next.
“The laws and ordinances of the city, which my oath of office makes obligatory upon me to see faithfully executed, declare all assemblies calculated to disturb the public peace and tranquility unlawful, and, as such, to be dispersed by the Mayor, and the participants held responsible for violating the same.
“It is my intention to disperse this unlawful assemblage if found within the corporate limits of the city by arresting the members thereof and holding them accountable to existing municipal law, provided they meet without the sanction of the military authorities.
“I will esteem it a favor, General, if, at your earliest convenience, you will inform me whether the projected meeting has your approbation, so that I may act accordingly.
“I am, General, very respectfully,
To that letter General Beard replied as follows:
“HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF LOUISIANA, NEW ORLEANs, L.A., July 26, 1866. “Hon. John T. MoRRoE, Mayor of the City of New Orleans. “SIR: I have received your communication of the 25th instant, informing me that a body of men, claiming to be members of the Convention of 1864, are to assemble on Monday next. :k :k :k sk :: :k >}:
“You believe it to be your duty, and it is your intention, to disperse this assembly, if found within the corporate limits of the city, by arresting the members thereof, and holding them accountable to the existing municipal laws, provided they meet without the sanction of the military authorities.
“As to your conception of the duty imposed by your oath of office, I regret to differ from you entirely. I cannot understand how the Mayor of the city can undertake to decide so important and delicate a question as the legal authority upon which a Convention, claiming to represent the people of an entire State, bases its action.