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tion of things then, you may imagine for yourself how much more aggravated their sufferings must be now. The great majority of the people in the South, in my opinion, lore the Union, and the dear associations that cluster around it. They were deceived and cheated by designing knaves, to whom, for years, they had given their confidence.

“How fortunate was the escape of little Maryland from their clutches. The people of that State, protected by Federal arms, liave, in their State clection, spoken in tones of thunder for the old flag. Look at Missouri ! How near the villains came to its possession! Yet the undaunted heroism of a Lyon, a Fremont, a Halleck, with the determined valor of its true sons, saved it; and now, letters to me from there, assure me there is a general joy felt and expressed for their deliverance. Look everywhere that our arms have reached for indubitable evidence of the loyalty of the down-trodden people.

At Nashville, Tennessee, on my way from New Orleans, I was imprisoned for expressions of loyalty. After my liberation many of the people grasped my hand in sympathy, and many of them openly told me that I was not alone in the entertainment of such sentiments, that thousands in Jackson's old State still loved and would yet offer their lives for the old Union. These were and are still the sentiments of many thousands in the South, deprived of the liberty of speech and of freemen's rights. These observations are the result of an intimate acquaintance and knowledge of the people of that section. General Houston, of Texas, is said to have gone after the 'strange gods. I do not believe in the truth of the statement. He is an old man, the protege of Jackson, and in a speech uttered the undying sentiment,—'I wish no epitaph to be written to tell that I survived the ruin of this glorious Union.' I believe that he could not prove recreant, and must be, as ever, for the Union. His position illustrates that of thousands. They may be crushed today, but will rise in turn and crush the real invaders of their homes and despoilers of their happiness. They were constantly under the threats of imprisonment or of the bowie-knife and revolver, to intimidate and awe them into silence and submission. Those who would not submit to the despotism were shot down, imprisoned, or compelled to flee the country precipitately, leaving property, and in many instances, dear relations behind them. At the time of my departure, I was said to be the last publicly known Unionist in the city,' the thousands of others were crushed and made to seemingly yield to the powers that be. Disgraceful and discreditable as it is, many from the North were among the most noisy and bitter enemies Unionists had to contend against. Men, who a year or more before were 'Republicans' in the North, were now spies and informers against citizens of the South, both native and adopted. My persecutors were men who had been but a little while there. The dearest and nearest friends I had were natives or long residents of the South. They urged me to leave because of the personal dangers that environed me. But to the credit of Northern virtue and patriotic love for the Union, I was proud to witness that the great body of them left the country, and many are now heroically fighting the battles of Liberty. Tho feeling towards the Northern classes had been most cordially fraternal, until the election of Lincoln, when it became divided, but as the elections on the secession question demonstrated, the great majority were still Union-loving and affectionate towards us. Only two of the seceded States, South Carolina and Florida, gave positive Union majorities. The rest, by treachery and the boldness of the despotism, were declared out of the Union. If the sentiment of the people there was not divided, but like that of our revolutionary fathers, united in a holy cause, mightier armies and navies than we now command could not conquer or subdue them. They had not sufficient aggressions nor wrongs from our beneficient and just government, and were not threatened with any. They knew at the time of raising the standard of rebellion, that admitting Lincoln would strive to encroach on their constitutional rights, Congress and the Supreme Court judges, were cminently conservative, and there were no cause for complaint or alarm. Had a score of men, whom I could name, been hung for treasonable speeches and acts, all the untold affliction which has since followed would have been obviated, and now we would be the same happy and great people we were. Having God and justice with our cause, and having never designed nor done them wrong, we can and will prevent a broken Union. We will again become a happy and united people, fulfilling our great destiny of establishing, not only on this continent but clsewhere, the liberty, equality and fraternity of mankind. Our armies and fleets will soon have reached the great ‘Crescent City,' and I predict, its people will receive them with demonstrations of unaffected joy. The advices received from there are enough to satisfy any rational mind, that they are only kept under by power. Even

now the intelligence has come, that the first and second brigades, including the Gardes d'Orleans, were called out and Gen. Beauregard's letter read to them, requesting reinforcements in Tennessee. They sternly refused to go. Reflect! The Gardes d Orleans consists, in great part, of Creoles, and yet they dared refuse the call of the great Creole general, Beauregard. “Straws tell which way the wind blows.' So does this refusal tell that the love for this good old Union is not altogether extinguished in that noble city. The war will scarcely last months longer. The leading traitors will flee and hide their heads or be brought to the halter, as they richly deserve, and this work will be done with the assistance of many of the good people they have oppressed and trodden to the earth.

" Andrew Johnson-God bless him-is now in Tennessce, commencing the glorions work of restoring the rights of the people and punishing the traitors by the vigorous arm of justice. Of my own trials and sufferings, I would rather not speak. Hundreds and thousands have suffered infinitely more. My property, my business, my happiness and contentment of life were wrecked. But I am happy in the consciousness that I never entertained a thought nor perpetrated an act of disloyalty to the Union and constitution of my country. I advocated the cause of the old flag on all proper occasions, and when asked if I would take the oath of allegiance to the government of Richmond to save my property and my liberty, I answered "No, never! Rather loss of liberty, life and all, before any portion of Washington's land should be severed from Union and liberty. I was then told I must go. I was given by

that worse than Arnold, General D. E. Twiggs, a pass, of which the following is a copy: CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA, HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT No. 1.

New Orleans, 21st August, 1861. 'Dr. A. P. Dostie, a citizen of the city of New Orleans, State of Louisiana, wishes to return to New York under the Alien Law. Allow him to pass through the Confederate States.


Maj. Gen. Commanding.' “Two days afterward I departed from what had been my beautiful and genial home, to come where I could once more see the old banner wave 'o'er the land of the free and the home of the brave.' For six months it had been shut out of my sight. I felt during that time despondent and gloomy, and almost ashamed of being an American and not with the battling hosts of my country, helping to raise that sacred ensign upon the parapets from which it had been so causelessly and ignominiously torn. I was resolved, if need be, to enlist, but thanks to the inborn patriotism of the people, I found on arriving here, there was no lack or need of men. They have gone forth in plentiful numbers, unfaltering in their determination to conquer back the Union, or die gloriously fighting for freedom's hope. We will not despair, the sky is brightening, the rainbow of happiness will soon appear. A little while and it will be visible, welcomed by the gladdened hearts of a glorious nation.

'May God save the Union, grant it may stand
The pride of our people, the boast of the land ;
Still, still, 'mid the storm, may our banner float free,
Unrent and unriven, o'er cartħ and o'er sea.

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