demanded all the aid derivable from the personal respectability of the prince to bear up against the hostility of the political fanaticism of the age; and the genius of a Philip or Octavius might have proved less efficacious for the salvation of the constitution, than the simple light of that perfect exemplar of private virtue, with which our late king illumined, and, as it were, consecrated

the crown he wore.

"Respecting this portion of his character, there will be, we believe, little difference of opinion. In estimating the features of his mind we have hardly the same materials or opportunities for forming an accurate judgment; and, to say the truth, this consideration is of very secondary importance. We do not know whether the occurrence of extraordinary talents and energy in the so-, vereign would not in our state be rather inconvenient than useful. The powers of the late king's mind were not perhaps of what is considered the highest order, but he was confessedly endowed with a sound, vigorous, practical understanding, which commonly led him right in his judgment of men and things; and often, perhaps, as far as ordinary affairs were concerned, to conclusions more accurate and safe than might have been arrived at by intellects of a finer temper. In his application to business he was regu lar and steady; and the reports of all those at all qualified to judge, agree in affirming that he always betrayed an intelligence perfectly competent to the proper comprehension of the subjects which were submitted to his consideration. His education had been rather neglected; and his reading was supposed to be neither extensive nor systematic; but he was far from deficient in information. He had cultivated a habit of continual inquiry in his intercourse with others; an intercourse, we may observe, which from his general frankness of disposition, included a much greater variety of classes than might have been expected; and in the course of this, his mind, aided by his natural acuteness of observation, and an uncommon retention of memory, had acquired a mass of various and useful knowledge, such as perhaps has been possessed by few persons in his station, and which from its practical nature, and connexion with men as they actually exist, was, perhaps, of all others, the kind of information that he was most likely to turn to good account in the exercise of the duties of his station.

"In the ordinary habits of his life he was eminently simple and uniform; he had not a taste but was characteristically manly and appropriate to the character of an English gentleman. It has been truly observed, that even his amusements were patriotic, and the interest which he shewed himself to take in agricultural process and experiment, was not less honourable to his taste than it was useful by its example; which, it is probable, co-operated materially in maintaining that love of a country life which still happily continues to distinguish our landed proprietors." P. 2.

Of the fidelity of the outline in this picture, there can be

no question: and we think, the touches with which it has been filled up, are at once delicate and spirited. The political reflections which immediately succeed, may not universally find such unqualified approbation. But what political reflections can hope to be universally or unqualifiedly approved? Even those, however, who do not as cordially assent to the principles upon which they are founded, as we do ourselves, can feel no difference of opinion as to the temper with which they are expressed.

On the withdrawing of the Bill of Pains and Penalties against the Queen, we find the remarks below.

"Thus ended this important and eventful session. We have foreborne to give in this part of our volume any details of the expression of popular triumph and exultation with which the abandonment of the bill was received in almost every part of the island; our readers will find in our chronicle of domestic occurrences, sufficiently copious accounts as well of the particulars of this general jubilee, as of the proceedings of her majesty and her partizans during the remainder of the year. The result of the investigation was universally hailed by her majesty's friends as a most signal triumph, and extraordinary as this application of the word must appear, we believe it was used with perfect sincerity by the class of persons in question. No decision of the house of lords would have at all affected their conviction of her majesty's innocence; that conviction had been formed and avowed before the inquiry began; it was apparently strengthened by the evidence given against her majesty; and consequently provided she evaded the operation of the threatened bill, it must in their opinion have been immaterial to her honour, under what circumstances the escape was effected.

"These observations of course apply to a part of the people only, though that part includes a larger and more respectable body than we should have expected to have found affected by such singular hallucination of intellect. With all parties however, and all classes, the abandonment of the bill was a subject of sincere congratulation; particularly must it have been so with those attached to the government; and perhaps it would be difficult to point out any pretext under which ministers could have extricated themselves from the embarrassing position in which they found themselves, more ingeniously convenient than the evolution by which, after obtaining from the house of lords a decision in some degree justificatory of their proceedings against the queen, they got rid of the proceeding itself, upon the plea of a consideration unconnected either with the justice or the general expediency of the measure. We cannot forbear the suspicion that there was more of political tactics than of conscientious doubt in the difficulties which were raised respecting the point of divorce. For ourselves we confess we do not understand them. It is not pretended

that in the case of adultery committed by a queen with a British subject, the plea of provocation on the part of the husband would legally shelter her from the penalty of high treason, denounced by our law upon such delinquency. And it is not easy to comprehend how the same considerations which in this instance are held to sanction such extremity of punishment, would not equally justify the simple measure of divorce under circumstances essentially identical. We readily admit that if the divorce were called for merely as a means of personal relief to the husband, the objection' drawn from his majesty's supposed conduct, and the ordinary practice of our law in similar cases might hold good. But any such object has been all along studiously disclaimed by ministers. The question has been throughout put upon public grounds; and these, as it appears to us, would go as far to justify the release of the sovereign from the bond of connection with a woman accused of degrading or criminal conduct, as to sanction the depriving of the accused individual of her rank, title, and privileges as queen.

"With respect to the great question of her majesty's guilt or innocence, we shall say but little; in fact, it would be altogether superfluous to dwell at any length on the subject, after the very full and copious extracts which we have given from the discussions in the house of lords; it would not be easy to suggest any thing on either side of the question that had not been anticipated in the preceding debates. There were undoubtedly difficulties in the case; difficulties which, as it seems to us, lay not so much in any particular deficiency or contrariety of the evidence, as in certain parts of the queen's own conduct, which without question do seem inconsistent with the supposition of her majesty's consciousness of guilt. Setting aside the consideration of these, we must say, that the direct evidence against her appears to us to afford an accumulation of presumptive proof, which, of itself, we should think irresistible. Much has been said of the contradictions to which the witnesses for the bill had exposed themselves; of the equivocations of Demont, and the forgetfulness of Majocchi. We are not qualified to decide how far the objections which have been raised of this nature are in a legal point of view adequate to damage the credibility of the persons in question; but for the most part, they have not tended materially to diminish our moral belief in the general accuracy of the story. We do not know that they are greater than were necessarily to be anticipated under such circumstances, from such persons. Every one must have observed the singular inaccuracy of observation respecting the simplest facts, indulged in by uneducated people. Their tendency to exaggeration in statement is not less remarkable, particularly in cases where they have wholly to depend upon their re collection. Our surprise is rather that more contradictions and inconsistencies were not elicited in the course of such long and perplexing examinations." P. 259.

In the second division of the volume, an entirely new head has been inserted, bearing the title of "Philosophical and Literary Miscellany." It comprises extracts from the foreign and domestic journals of Science; papers read before learned Societies, &c. &c.: and appears to us to form a valuable assemblage of discoveries, which can only otherwise be attained by consulting a variety of different authorities. A list of books and pamphlets published during the current year, is annexed at the close, and supplies another deficiency, the existence of which has often surprised us. We heartily rejoice to find a work of so much importance, conducted with so much judgment and diligence; and we doubt not, that the succeeding volumes will fully realize the high promise held out by the present.

ÁRT. IX. Remarks on the Universal Education of the Lower Classes, and on the Principles of Mr. Brougham's Plan, as Affecting the Established Church: in a Sermon, preached at the Monthly Lecture at St. Lawrence's Church, Reading, Berkshire, Jan. 8, 1822. By the Rev. Arthur Edward Howman, M.A. Prebendary of Salisbury. 8vo. pp. 36. Rivingtons. 1822.

THIS is a plain, sensible discourse, on a very important subject. None of our readers can be unacquainted with the insidious attempt which is making to abolish the National System of Education, and to erect upon its ruins a platform of infidelity: for in no other light can we consider a Bill which openly professes the necessity of not teaching any Religion at all. It is sickening to be compelled so often to return to a thrice told tale: and there is a difficulty, perhaps, in preserving due temper and moderation when we are called upon, at every turn, to restate those arguments which carry almost intuitive conviction to ourselves; and which, from their truth and necessity, have become parts, as it were, of our own minds. But as the enemy is incessant and unwearied in his attacks, so should we be also in our vigilance of defence. We must be prepared to combat reasoning, prejudice and artifice: to meet hostility in the fair field of controversy, and to guard against the more dangerous inroad of the seeming familiar friend, who ranges himself awhile by our side, that he may find more ready occasion to do us wrong.

The abstract of Mr. Brougham's Bill contains the following provisions under the Head of Tuition.

"I. The Officiating Minister, on each vacancy of the Master's place, is to fix the hours of teaching,-not more than eight nor less than six hours a day; and the times of vacation not more than twice a year, and a fortnight each time, or a month if in one vacation:to affix the same in the School-Room.

"II. The Holy Scriptures to be taught: the officiating Minister, if he pleases, directing, from time to time, any passages he may think fit to be taught among others.

"III. No other religious Book whatever to be used or taught in lessons; no Book without officiating Minister's approbation; and no religious Worship, except the Lord's Prayer, or other passages of Scripture.

"IV. Church Catechism to be taught half of one day in the week; and, if the officiating Minister thinks proper, at a School Meeting on Sunday Evening, not exceeding three hours.

"V. No Child to be punished, rebuked, admonished, or otherwise molested, for being absent with leave of its parents, guardians, or persons having care of it, at the times when the Church Catechism is taught.

"VI. Scholars to attend the Parish Church once every Sunday, with their Master, unless they attend with their parents or others having care of them but no child to be punished, rebuked, admonished, or otherwise molested, for not so attending, if the parents or guardians signify a wish to that effect, and that the child attends some other place of Christian worship.

"VII. Reading, Writing, and Arithmetic, to be the things taught in all Parish Schools." Appendix, p. 31.

From these premises we may make the following deduc tions. 1st. That as reading, writing, and arithmetic are the only things to be taught, Religion of any kind is certainly not to be taught. 2ndly. That as Religion is not to be taught, the Holy Scriptures are only to be admitted for the purpose of teaching reading. 3dly. That, by the peremptory exclusion of all Church of England formularies, one other thing besides reading, writing, and arithmetic, will be taught, namely, that the Church of England is unnecessary.

We leave these deductions without a comment. Whether the objects to which they point are in the contemplation of the framers and supporters of the Bill it is not for us to decide; but that such is the immediate and necessary tendency of its provisions, no man who has eyes to see can deny.

We rejoice, therefore, to find that public attention is awakened to the momentous change which is projected: and that there is little chance that the death-warrant of our Es