ANNUAL MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT. Fourthly. The rights and duties of the United States as they are affected, independently of treaties, by the law of nations. It seems to have been imagined that the proceedings of the consul in making the arrest in this case were inconsistent with the principles hitherto maintained by the United States, as illustrated in the dispute between this government and that of Austria in regard to Martin Koszta. It has been assumed that in that instance the United States not only demanded impunity everywhere for all persons who were engaged, under any circumstances, in armed hostility to their own government, but even assumed a cosmopolitan championship for them. But Koszta had indeed been a revolutionist in Austria, and whose this is very erroneous. he was delivered by the United States authorities from the hands of Austrian agents in Smyrna, a province of Turkey, which is a Mahometan power relations to Christian states are the same as those of Morocco. But the facts were that the civil war in Austria was at an end. Martin Koszta was a Hungarian by birth, and was a refugee; he had fled, and had been decreed an outlaw by Austria. He had taken asylum in America and had, under our laws, become domiciled and nationalized as an American, and as such was held entitled to the protection of this government under its treaty with the him Sultan of Turkey. He held a guarantee of protection from our consul at Smyrna, a protection which was in conformity with the treaty and with our own laws. The agents of the Austrian government seized him and undertook to carry away by force, against the remonstrances of our consul, and in defiance of the authorities of Turkey, and to subject him to arbitrary punishment as a subject of a state from which he had been transferred to the United States. It is not easy to understand how the proceedings of this government in that case can be deemed to commit it to tolerate revolution against itself by our own disloyal citizens. If apprehensions of severe and cruel treatment by this government towards the two Sumter prisoners have produced any influence in exciting the discontents in the present case, those apprehensions may be expected to give way before the statement that, although this government has stood in its present conforfeited yet stitutional form more than seventy years, with some experience of foreign war, and with one year's painful experience of civil war, no person his life for its maintenance, except as a volunteer in the battle-field; no citizen has been banished; every person captured in war at home or abroad has been either freely dismissed, with or without parole, or has been exchanged or offered in exchange for another prisoner of class and character similar to his own. has It remains to say that the President disapproves of the circular letter written by the consul, Mr. De Long, to the representatives of France and other Christian powers at Tangier, in relation to the proceedings which has been reviewed. That letter was, doubtless, written under high excitement, and was inspired by motives eminently loyal and patriotic; yet its tone was improper, and the consul should, moreover, have left it to this government to make a complaint, if any were to be made. Nor does the President find any sufficient grounds for the complaints of the consul in the conduct of those representatives on the occasion which elicited them. These views will be made known to our consuls, and they will receive instructions not to repeat the discourtesy which Mr. De Long committed in this case. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JESSE H. MCMATH, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 9.] Mr. De Long to Mr. Seward. CONSULATE OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I have the honor to inform you that previous to the Moorish minister having taken any active steps, the viceroy, Prince Muley Abbas, on hearing of the tumult at the American consulate on the 26th of February last, immediately, and of his own free voluntary act, sent his lieutenant governor with soldiers to suppress the mob, and with instructions to render me all the assistance in his power. Not hearing from my government, I felt it my duty, upon the receipt of this information, to tender to the prince my thanks; which I did in person and by letter, copy of which is herewith enclosed. In my interview with him I spent over an hour, which time was unusual, but he detained me making inquiries about our civil war and the country generally. The prince left next day for Tetuan, and from his camp near that place addressed me an autograph letter; a translation of which, made by one of the first oriental scholars in this country, is herewith enclosed. The perusal of this document will, I trust, prove as satisfactory to my government as it is grateful to my feelings, and that it will tend to convince them tha the statements so unscrupulously made by Mr. Layard, in the English Parliament, and reported in some of the European papers, were as unfounded as they were untrue. I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient and humble servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. CONSULATE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Tangier, April 19, 1862. HONORED AND ESTEEMED FRIEND: I was yesterday informed, for the first time, that on the 26th of February last, when the armed mob of Europeans, of my own race and religion, surrounded the United States consulate to offer an indignity and insult to the American flag, you promptly ordered soldiers, accompanied by your lieutenant governor, to come to my relief and to sustain the honor of our national ensign. For which act, done by you without solicitation upon my part, I therefore embrace the earliest opportunity after the receipt of this information, to tender to you on behalf of the President of the United States, as well as on my own account, our highest consideration and regard. This, together with other acts of kindness that have been extended to me by the authorities and subjects of his Majesty, your worthy brother, the Emperor of Morocco, since my arrival here, has planted in my bosom feelings of attachment for yourself and your people which neither time nor distance can eradicate from my mind, and which feelings I shall carry with me to the grave. And it would give me great pleasure and satisfaction if time and opportunity would permit you to visit the United States; thus enable you to see the growing greatness of our country, and to receive the hospitality of our people. I am proud to say that for seventy-six years, being the period of our first treaty, relations between your government and that of the United States have been of the most friendly character, trusting in the providence of God that it may always so continue. In conclusion, I avail myself of this opportunity to wish your highness health and happiness, and at the same time with hearty prayers for the prosperity of your country. I have the honor to be your royal highness's most obedient and humble ser To the clever and wise gentleman, consul general for the American nation, James De Long, esq., which premised: We continue to make inquiries regarding your welfare, and praying God that you are well. We are deeply penetrated with the expressions of gratitude made use of at your interview with us, as well as in the communication addressed to us in your own name, as well as on behalf of your government for the aid and assistance we rendered you in removing the insults offered to you by the christian subjects who surrounded the consular residence, thus offering insult and indignity to the American flag. Such aid on our part is no more than an act of duty, and one of right, arising out of the uninterrupted reciprocity of friendship which has existed between the two nations from the time of our ancestors. We dislike that any one should be insulted in our country, and when within our power to protect, we protect them till it results with satisfaction to themselves as well as with maintenance to their honor. Our officers in rendering you this assistance, and in protecting the United States consulate, have but followed the same line of friendly conduct hitherto exercised towards your government. We desire not that either injury or insult should accrue to you or the American nation, a nation known and acknowledged as she universally is for her goodness, as well as remembered by ourselves for the close intimacy and peculiar friendship once existing between her and our ancestors. It gives me satisfaction to add that you, in virtue of your office, have conducted this affair with a clearness of judgment and honesty of purpose, and at the same time with such firmness and moderation as to have contracted honor for your country. Persons like you deserve to be the representatives of their nation. The good man is he who acknowledges the goodness done to them by others. I can say that from the first day we had intercourse with you we failed not to remark your wisdom and refinement, and considered you in the highest degree characterized by firmness, truth, and honesty. We request you to express to your government our sentiments of good will towards them, and to assure them that the friendship once so intimately existing between us, not only still exists and continues, but on our part has become confirmed and consolidated by time, and that we heartily wish them the victory (victorious as they always are) over those who have rebelled against them and peace. Written (at Tetuan) on the 14 "Dalkahada," year 1278, (corresponding to May 14, 1862.) EL ABBAS, May he rest in glory. No. 3.] Mr. Seward to Mr. McMath. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, SIR: The despatch of your predecessor, Mr. De Long, dated May 23 and numbered 9, was duly received. It communicates a copy of a note addressed by him to the Viceroy, Prince Muley Abbas, in acknowledgment of the prompt assistance rendered by the latter on the occasion of the tumult at the United States consulate in February last, and also a copy of the prince's reply. The expressions of cordial friendship conveyed in the communication of Prince Muley Abbas towards the government and people of the United States are fully appreciated and warmly reciprocated. Good relations between the two countries have existed too long to be in danger of disturbance from light causes, and serious ones are not likely to spring up between governments whose interest, not less than whose desire, it is that they should cherish towards each other good will, and practice frankness and justice. You will make a suitable communication of these sentiments to the prince, and at the same time assure him that his wishes for our success over those who are waging an unholy war against the government they had sworn to support, are honorable alike to his judgment and his feelings, and that they have given much satisfaction to the President and people of the United States. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JESSE H. McMATH, Esq., United States Consul, Tangier. F. W. SEWARD, GUATEMALA. No. 12.] Mr. Crosby to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, * SIR: With all deference I beg to call your attention to the project of colonizing the free blacks of the United States upon lands in Central America. It appears to me by so doing the influence of our government may be made to act directly upon this country, and have much influence in shaping its policy and future destiny; at the same time operating as a check upon the encroachments of England, or other European nations. In this view I submit for your consideration that the government of the United States arrange with that of Guatemala for the colonization of free blacks upon the territory of Guatemala, lying on the Atlantic side, and embracing the port and country around St. Tomas, and also the port of Livingston, at the mouth of the Rio Dulce, and thence extending settlements up the Dulce, on the borders and around the Lake Isabel. By reference to the map of Guatemala you can see the importance of this location, embracing the country north of the state of Honduras, and extending to the south line of the colony of British Belize, which is defined by the river Larstoon. The front on the Atlantic is not very great, yet it embraces the important outlets of the Rio Motagere and the Rio Dulce, which afford facilities of water transit for an interior, and large breadth of very rich, healthy, and fertile lands. I have personally visited and travelled over all this section of country, and speak of it from my own observation and personal knowledge. In my opinion, it is in every aspect the most desirable location and section of country on any part of this continent for the successful development of the project of colonizing free blacks by the government of the United States, or by the humane and Christian efforts of private individuals or societies. At Livingston there is now a small settlement of blacks, and most of the very sparse population settled at isolated spots are of negro origin. Therefore there would be no conflict of races if our free blacks from the United States were to be introduced and settled on these lands. Besides the colony of British Belize, which lies to the adjoining north, would present them with neighbors of their own race, speaking their own language, and with the same religious sentiments. These are circumstances that would at once establish good relations between the new emigrants and those with whom they would be first brought in contact, and to my mind they are most important considerations for the success and contentment of the new colonists. The proximity of these ports to the southern coast of the United States and the facility and cheapness of transporting the emigrants is another important consideration. Besides, whatever supervision our government might deem necessary could be conveniently given at these places, as they are so immediately under observation. If you desire, and will so direct, I will, with pleasure, prepare a statement of |