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sition upon which debate was to take place, had neglected to put it on the paper, and hence there was no subject to discuss. To remedy this defect, Lord Vane Tempest gave notice of a new motion, which contemplated nothing less than direct intervention in our quarrel by peaceable means or otherwise. Although this gentleman is the son-in-law of the Duke of Newcastle, his position in the House of Commons is not such as to give rise to much anxiety for his demonstration. Such was the state of things on Saturday and Sunday. But the later news of the present week has very considerably changed it.

Yesterday Mr. Lindsay took courage, and announced the resumption of his purpose. He first modified his motion so as to embrace both the points of recognition and intervention, incorporating into it even the significant word "otherwise," borrowed from that of Lord Tempest. To-day I learn that he has seen the effect of that course, and has so changed his language as to embrace only the idea of mediation in conjunction with other powers, and that of pledging Parliament to sustain the ministry in any policy they might think proper to pursue. I do not quote the phraseology, because it may yet undergo alterations, and you will be sure to see it in its final shape, as it will come up for discussion to-morrow night. It is now understood that Mr. Lindsay proposes to press his question to a division, and it is thought that a sufficient number of members favor it to sustain the intention. I do not think it is countenanced by the ministry or by the more influential members of the opposition. But it is a good deal nursed by the rank and file of the latter, and by a portion of the ministerialists. With these explanations you will be able to form your judgment of the prospect before us. For the rest I shall take measures to be well informed of the precise temper of the House through some person present at the debate, and shall endeavor to send you a report of it by the steamer of Saturday. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,


Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

No. 187.)


London, July 17, 1862. Sir: The Tuscarora is still at Southampton. She has been detained by the necessity for some slight repairs. Notes have passed between Lord Russell and myself on the subject, copies of which are hereto subjoined. The consul at Liverpool has made representations to the collector of the customs respecting the vessel not yet named, but undoubtedly fitting out at Liverpool to prey upon our commerce, according to the suggestions made by Lord Russell in his note in reply to my remonstrance. Unfortunately the consul did not affix to this paper the legal form of evidence, which led to its rejection. In the meanwhile I have advised him to supply the omission, and I learn that he has done so.

I have likewise, in concert with Mr. Morse, the consul at this place, taken measures to obtain advices as to the expediency of proceeding against this vessel in another form, agreeably to a suggestion dropped to me some time ago by Lord Russell in conversation. As yet I have not learned the issue of the consultation. The deposition to be taken by Mr. Dudley may

be as necessary in this case as in the other. I have requested duplicates to be forwarded to me at once.

Lastly, I have supplied to Captain Craven all the information I can obtain respecting the objects and destination of this vessel, and have advised him to take such measures as may, in his opinion, be effective to intercept her on her way out. He will probably leave Southampton in a day or two. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,


Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.


1. Lord Russell to Mr. Adams, July 12, 1862. 2. Mr. Adams to Lord Russell, July 15, 1862.

Earl Russell to Mr. Adams.

Foreign OFFICE, July 12, 1862. SIR: I have the honor to bring to your notice that the United States screw steamer-of-war Tuscarora has within the last few days arrived at Southampton, and that, in answer to inquiries addressed to her commander, the authorities at that port have been informed that she is in need of repairs, which will occupy at least a fortnight.

Under these circumstances, I have the honor to suggest that the proper course would be that you should apply formally for that indulgence in favor of the Tuscarora.

I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

RUSSELL. CHARLES Francis Adams, Esq., 80., fc., fc.

Mr. Adams to Earl Russell.


London, July 15, 1862. My LORD: I pray your lordship's pardon if, by reason of my want of acquaintance with the proper mode of proceeding, I have failed to take the necessary steps to solicit for Captain Craven, of the United States steamer the Tuscarora, permission to make some repairs required by the continued service of this vessel since her departure from the United States. In the conversation held with Captain Craven touching the matter I did not understand him to have learned that the application should come from me.

I presume that the repairs proposed are not of a nature to require much detention. I trust, therefore, that her Majesty's government will be pleased to grant the privilege to the Tuscarora so far as it may be necessary to place that vessel in good order for service at sea.

Renewing to your lordship the assurance of my highest consideration, I have the honor to be, my lord, your most obedient servant,


Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. No. 188.]

LEGATION OF the United States,

London, July 17, 1862. SIR: I have the honor to transmit a copy of my note to Lord Russell in, relation to the course taken by the harbor-master of Hong Kong towards the United States vessel the Saginaw. Copies of the papers enclosed, with your despatch (No. 275) of the 23d of June, relating to that subject, accompanied my note. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,


Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

Mr. Adams to Earl Russell.


London, July 14, 1862. My LORD: I am directed to lay before your lordship copies of despatches transmitted to me, touching the action of the harbor-master at Hong Kong, in relation to the United States steamer Saginaw. There certainly does seem to be a difference between the treatment experienced by this vessel and that applied to the Sumter in Gibraltar.

But, apart from this, it is needless to suggest to your lordship that the presence of some vessel-of-war in the China seas is almost indispensable to the protection of the interests of American commerce in that quarter, or that a denial of any of the ordinary rights of maritime powers operates with peculiar hardship upon them in this instance. On the other hand, it does not appear that any British interest could be seriously affected by the admission of such vessels to the enjoyment of them. Thus far experience may be said to have shown it to advance the interests of all the western powers. Under these circumstances I have been instructed simply to submit the facts to the consideration of her Majesty's government.

Praying your lordship to accept the assurances of my highest consideration, I have the honor to be, my lord, your most obedient servant,


Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. No. 189.)


London, July 17, 1862. That there has been more or less of communication between the great powers on the subject of the present state of America I do not doubt. As yet it has not probably run into any distinct form of action, but rather portends consultation to bring it to that. The interests of the different parties being clearly diverse, it is difficult to foresee what may be the issue of such counsels. The probabilities rather indicate the possible adoption of some overtures for mediation in a professedly friendly spirit, but rather imposing the more burdensome responsibility on the stronger side in case of its refusal to

listen to them. Should circumstances continue to favor the idea of a protraction of the war, I am prepared for a demonstration of this kind in some form or other before the lapse of much time after the close of the session of Parliament.

The question must naturally arise how such a movement is to be met. Of course much would depend upon the precise shape it might take. Supposing, for an instant, that this should be as free from exception in manner as it could be made, and that its spirit were to assume the most benevolent aspect possible, the effect would be to concentrate in a degree the moral sense of the civilized nations of Europe in its behalf. Much would then seem to depend on the form which the reply would take.

Without pretending to suggest in advance any ideas respecting the policy which a similar proceeding might develop, it has occurred to me as important that a marked distinction should be upheld between the objects which the government has had in view from the outset of this struggle, and those which are imputed to it. Of these last the subjugation of the people of the rebellious region is the most generally entertained. Instead of being a war for the fuller establishment of free principles, it is construed as one of dominion of one part of the people over the other. In other words, the actual state of facts is precisely reversed, and the party which started the war for the attainment of that latter end is viewed as the one which is itself to be subjected. Under these circumstances it seems to me impossible longer to avoid an explicit declaration of the true state of the question. I have never understood it to be the design or the desire of the people of the United States to subjugate their brethren and forever after treat them as slaves. But I do understand it to be their determination not to permit them, by exercising the right of subjugating a large portion of their own people, on that basis, to occupy a position of perpetual danger to themselves. The attitude of a slaveholding nation, directed and controlled as it has been and would be in the southern States, in bitter hostility to the integrity of the Union as a republic based on freedom, could scarcely be tolerated under any circumstances, much less if established and upheld by the intervention of the most enlightened nations of the world. To guard against such a shocking result would seem to be the first care of a statesman. It is, then, only through the removal of the main obstacle, the continuance of slavery, that any prospect of a solution of this question at all honorable to the motives of the European powers can be opened up. With that as a fundamental condition all other difficulties might possibly be in time removed, and a pacific termination arrived at. To attain such an object might be, indeed, considered an event in the history of the world which would reflect the most credit on the parties undertaking it; whilst, on the other hand, to reject or evade it would be assuring, in fact, the maintenance of a policy which the whole European sentiment of the present century has united to denounce.

It is no more than my duty to add that the effect of the news received of the events at Richmond during the early part of the month will be to stimulate the activity of the movement all over Europe. It is showing itself strongly in private circles here as well as in the newspapers, and it will no doubt, before long, unless there should be a marked change for the better in America, take some form of public action. It would, then, seem to be of material consequence that the government should be prepared to meet any possible emergency by a clear line of policy, taking into view all the eventualities of the struggle. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,


Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

No. 191.)


London, July 18, 1862. SIR: I have only time before the closing of the bag to transmit the copy of a note received last evening from Lord Russell on the subject of the slave trade treaty. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,


Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

Earl Russell to Mr. Adams.

FOREIGN OFFICE, July , 1862. Sir: I beg leave to request that you will submit the following matter for the consideration of the cabinet at Washington:

You are aware that the 6th article of the treaty concluded on the 7th of April last between this country and the United States, for the suppression of the slave trade, provides that British or American merchant vessels may be lawfully detained, and sent or brought before the mixed courts of justice, if, in their equipment, there should be found any of the things specified in the said article as usually forming part of the equipment of slave vessels. Among the things which would render a vessel liable to seizure may be Dentioned a larger quantity of water than is requisite, under ordinary circumstances, for the consumption of a vessel as a merchant vessel ; an extraordinary supply of provisions, or a boiler or other cooking apparatus of an unusual size, or capable of being made larger than requisite for the use of the vessel as a merchant vessel.

The 7th article of the treaty provides that if any of the things specified in the preceding article should be found on board a vessel that may have been detained, or should be proved to have been on board during the voyage on which she was captured, no compensation for losses or expenses consequent upon the detention of such vessel shall in any case be granted, even though she should not be condemned by the mixed court of justice, But as some of the things specified in article 6, particularly those I have mentioned, viz: unusual supplies of water and provisions, and a large cooking apparatus, may be found on board vessels legally employed on the African coast, it becomes important that such vessels should not be put to an unnecessary inconvenience or detention. For instance, it may so happen that an American vessel engaged in carrying liberated Africans to Liberia or any other part of Africa, may, on her voyage to or from the African coast, fall in with a British cruiser, and unless the commander of the British vessel were assured that the vessel was engaged on a legal voyage, she might suffer detention.

On the other hand, a British vessel engaged in transporting, or fitted for the conveyance of liberated Africans from Sierra Leone, or from St. Helena to another British colony, might suffer detention at the hands of the commander of an American cruiser, unless her commander were assured of the legality of the voyage of the British ship.

With the view, therefore, to provide for the exemption from seizure or detention of vessels legally fitted for the conveyance of Africans to or from

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