'To the Editor of the Times:

'SIR: May I beg you to state that, although I feel deep interest in the abolition of slavery, (and who does not?) I did not authorize my name to be used in relation to the meeting at the Stafford House?

'So long as American women can justly taunt the women of England with the neglect, ill-usage, and starvation payment of the lady teachers employed in their families, there is little hope of their listening to our protests on the subject of slavery.

Let us reform our school-rooms, and we may expect them to reform the cabins of their slaves.

'Had not illness prevented my attendance at the meeting, I should have stated this as my opinion.

'I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

'JANET KAY SHUTTLEWORTH.

'38 Gloucester Square, Nov. 30.’

"Another correspondent publishes what she predicts will be the retort of the women of America. We quote:

Oh, bear your benign sympathies, gentlewomen of England, to your own male and female sufferers! Try what the blessed influence of unstained womanhood may yet effect on the unheeded victims of enslaving circumstances, such as it may be the main salvation of ourselves not to have encountered. Apply yourselves to this, and you shall not find reason to complain that we do not bear you company in mitigating whatever horrors of a like kind we can discover here. Believe that we are not so ignorant of womanly pity, so untrue to our sex, so forgetful of our common humanity, as to acquiesce in any system of cruelty and torture, whatever may be the exceptional instances of such from which romance writers may draw those conclusions which are naturally so startling to you.

‘Once more—we will not believe that you are not merely 'sighing for wretchedness,' and 'shunning the wretched,' when we see you making a true effort to harmonize, by means of your magnificent resources, those dreadful face-to-face opposites of which we spoke. We will believe that your 'feelings' are not 'all too delicate for use;' we will believe that your sympathies with the remote miseries of which your orators tell you are more than mere sentiment, when we see you doing something, making some strenuous surrender of personal ease and comfort, to remove from your doors the greatest spectacle of virtual slavery which (as far as we can learn,) the whole world contains.

Resign some larger portion of your splendors, your pleasures, your vacant hours, your influence, to the unreclaimed mass that is weltering behind your palaces, crying aloud, in bitter despair, Usque quo Domine! and convicting you, we say not, of conscious hypocrisy, but of that which subjects you, in the eyes of some, to the suspicion of unreality and partisanship.

Believe me, Sir, nothing would induce me to ask to trespass thus on your columns, but that I am so well assured how unpractical, how hopeless of result, is this well-intended scheme of the circle of gentlewomen mentioned in the Times. I trust I have spoken of them with

all the respectful deference which their sex and their high position demand, and that, however feeble my words, the thought which I desire to suggest may not be utterly disregarded.

I remain, Sir, your faithful servant,

From the Baltimore Sun, of Jan. 25th, 1853.

'R. G. D."

"AMERICAN AND ENGLISH LADIES AND SLAVERY.

"We find in the London Daily News the entire resolutions adopted by the American ladies at Milan, in response to the ladies of England, on the subject of slavery. They are communicated to that paper by Mr. Hume, the veteran reformer, to whom they were sent by the American ladies, and who introduces them with some most judicious remarks. He says:

'The resolutions agreed to at Milan, by the American ladies of Anglo-Saxon origin, are well worthy of the attention of the Duchess of Sutherland, and of all those, her noble coadjutors, whose sympathies have been enlisted and excited by reports of the sufferings of the slaves in the United States of America.

'We should indeed be happy if misery and suffering could be removed from this and other lands; but we are assured, on the best authority, that there will always be poor and suffering mortals, and that legislation can never entirely prevent poverty and wretchedness. But, as Christians and considerate persons, we ought to look at home -to what is passing hourly before our eyes, or within the sound of our carriage-wheels-and, we may add, in almost every parish in our beloved country, and consider whether our legislation is just and equal.'

(2.) From the National Egis, of April 6th, 1853.

"We cannot help asking, as we peruse from time to time the accounts which reach us of the wrongs, abuses, and sufferings that tarnish the fame of all nations, and of our common humanity, whether any one of the leading nations of the earth can, with very great propriety, criminate and recriminate upon another. England may truly say to the United States, "You have, in some of the States, legalized slavery;' and the United States can with equal truth reply, You gave it to us, and forced it upon us, against our wishes.' England may say to us, 'Your Southern slaves are at the mercy of their masters, with only such limitations as the interests and laws of slaveholders may suggest;' and the United States may with even greater truth reply, 'Our slaves are in a better condition, morally, socially, and physically, this day, than millions of your subjects, who are nominally free.' And so the work of mutual crimination might go on, in a progression that should end only in the far off, and perhaps seldom heard-of, oppressions and abuses in the most distant corner of the British empire. And as the United States have nothing to fear, and nothing to lose, in any international comparisons with Great Britain, so they can with honor declare, that this present and prevailing crimination and recrimination, is not of their seeking. It began in England. Aristocrats, purse-proud and overbearing, alike towards their

tenants at home and their kindred abroad, have taken upon themselves to depreciate the American government, because of a system of slavery which our government cannot touch, and which our people cannot, but by annihilation to themselves, at once or at present abolish. It is, indeed, slavery; but it is not surcharged with all the horrors with which Mrs. Beecher Stowe has colored her romantic and profitable work. It is slavery, beyond a doubt; but, slavery as it is, it pales, in shades of cruelty, before the abolition of the West India bondage. Let American slavery and British West India emancipation, with their respective treatment and consequences, be placed in the scales together, and be weighed by the impartial judgment of the world, and we have no fears that in that comparison any MENE and TEKEL shall be pronounced upon us, that will not first and in more indignant tones be awarded to the vaunting philanthropists of England.

APPENDIX L.

MRS. STOWE IN ENGLAND.

From the Boston Traveller, of April 30.

"The English papers, by the Canada, furnish us with a variety of details-more or less curious and interesting of the manner in which our English brethren received and honored and rewarded Mrs. Stowe, the author of Uncle Tom's Cabin.' The Liverpool Journal speaks of her as the wife of Prof. Stowe of 'Brunswick College, Andover,' and thus describes her landing at Liverpool on Sunday, April 9th:

"Mrs. Stowe, closely veiled, and leaning upon the arm of the professor, was conducted to a cab, which drove off to the residence of Mr. John Cropper, Dingle Bank. A very large number of persons had collected to witness Mrs. Stowe's landing; and, as the vehicle drove away, several hearty cheers were given, to which she bowed her acknowledgments. Mr. John Cropper has been for some time much indisposed; but his brother, Mr. Edward Cropper, held a party. on Monday morning, at his residence, to meet Mrs. Stowe at breakfast. The Rev. Dr. M'Neile and family, accompanied by the Rev. Mr. Burgess of Chelsea, arrived at nine o'clock; and the breakfast room was soon filled with guests anxious to pay their respects to the illustrious authoress. Mrs. Stowe received the warm congratulations of the company with unaffected simplicity, and seemed utterly unconscious of having done anything to merit such attention. At the request of the respected host, the Rev. Dr. M'Neile expressed to Mrs. Stowe, in neat terms, and with deep religious feeling, their hearty congratulations. After breakfast, Mr. Edward Cropper rose, and begged to add the name of Professor Stowe to the congratulatory address which had been so beautifully made by Dr. M'Neile. Professor Stowe then said a few words. Speaking of the success of his gifted lady's book, he said-Incredible as it may seem to those who

are without prejudice, it is nevertheless a fact that this book was condemned by the leading religious newspapers in the United States as anti-Christian, and its author associated with infidels and disorganizers. And had it not been for the decided expression of the mind of English Christians, and of Christendom itself on this point, there is reason to fear that the pro-slavery power of the United States would have succeeded in putting the book under foot.'

"On Tuesday following, Mrs. Stowe and her husband were received by the Negro's Friend Society. On Wednesday she was presented with a purse containing about 600 dollars, which had been collected in Liverpool, chiefly in pence, by a committee of ladies. Mr. Adam Hodgson addressed her in handing her the purse, and Prof. Stowe replied in her behalf as follows :—

"It is impossible for me to express the feelings of my heart at the kind and generous manner in which I have been received upon English shores. Just when I had begun to realize that a whole wide ocean lay between me and all that is dearest to me, I found most unexpectedly a home and friends waiting to receive me here. I have had not an hour in which to know the heart of a stranger. I have been made to feel at home since the first moment of landing, and every where I have seen only the faces of friends.' Professor Stowe, in the course of his own speech which followed, said:-'We never could believe that slavery in our land would be a perpetual curse; but we felt and felt deeply, that there must be a terrible struggle before we could be delivered from it, and that there must be suffering and martyrdom in this cause, as in every other great cause; for eighteen years of immediate contact with the horrible thing, eighteen years of struggling and of suffering against it had shown to us its strength. And, under God, we rely very much on the Christian public of Great Britain; for every expression of feeling from the wise and good of this land, with whatever petulance it may be met by some, goes to the heart of the American people (hear, hear). You must not judge of the American people by the expressions which have come across the Atlantic in reference to the subject. Nine-tenths of the American people-nine-tenths of all the inhabitants of the land, at least—are in heart and feeling with you and with us on this great subject-(hear, hear);—but there is a tremendous pressure brought to bear upon all who are in favor of emancipation there. The whole political power, the whole money power, almost the whole ecclesiastical power, is wielded in defence of slavery, protecting it from all aggression; and it is as much as a man's reputation is worth to utter a syllable boldly and openly on the other side. They say there are social evils in England. Undoubtedly there are; but the difference between the social evils of England and this great evil of slavery in the United States is just here. In England, the power of the government and the power of Christian sympathy are all exerted to remove those evils. This is the difference. England repents and reforms. America refuses to repent and reform.'

2 A

From the Boston Commonwealth, of May 7.

Extract from a speech of Professor Stowe; where delivered, the Commonwealth does not say :

"Is it true that all this affectionate interest is merited? [Great applause.] I cannot help feeling in regard to that book, 'I don't specks anybody ever made that book, I 'specks it growed.' [Laughter.] Under the pressure of a horrid Fugitive Slave law, the book sprung out of the soil ready made.

* *

"I believe that the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law is the last desperate effort, and the dying struggle of the system. [Cheers.] But there are real difficulties connected with the slave question in those States in which slavery exists. All the social habits of the people are connected with the system, and they don't know what to do without slaves where they are so numerous, and where they have always been accustomed to them. There is another great difficulty connected with this question—that is, that the slaveholding States are, as political bodies, internally independent. The slaveholders possess all political power, and no movement can be made for the amelioration of the slave excepting by the slaveholders themselves. It is not the same as in this country, where your Parliament could hold a rod over the slave-owners. There it is the slaveholders themselves who hold the rod, and they are accustomed to use it. There are only two ways, therefore, in which a change can be looked for. Either the slaveholder himself must be persuaded to adopt a system for the abolition of the evil, or the evil will be brought to an end by a bloody revolution.

"The slaveholders have consciences, and these will be awakened in time by truth and Christian love. In coming along here from Liverpool, I have observed your wealth and comfort, and your abounding resources; but I have also observed that a great deal of it results from the products of slave labor. In this country is the great market for American cotton, and it is cotton which sustains American slavery. I do not say you can do without it. It is cotton which makes the system profitable, and cotton makes the price of a man £300 in the markets of the United States. It is my conviction that nine-tenths of the people of the United States feel in their hearts, on the subject of slavery, just as you do. [Cheers.] But there is such a tremendous power brought to bear against this feeling, that those who are comfortable and wish to live in an easy way don't want to meddle with the subject at all. * * *

"Referring to the Fugitive Slave Law, he stated that it had been and would be altogether inoperative; for out of the thousands of fugitive slaves in the States, not twenty-five of them had been carried back under the influence of that law. The Rev. Doctor concluded amid enthusiastic applause by stating that there was soundness in the American mind, which in due course would be unmistakably developed."