bound to think it a good establishment, but we wash our hands of it. The only platform we stand on is this: our religion is this, where there is neither male nor female, African or Anglo-Saxon, bond or free. (Applause.) The Fugitive Slave Law in some sense has succeeded, because it has crushed in some pulpits the rising sense of anti-slavery principles. It is no occasional, or temporary expedient; it is the foundation corner of this Union. When we picture the Italian we do so with his fine arts. The Greek is described with his severe and classic beauty; and England comes to us in the names of Hampden and Sydney; and when the European, either with his pencil or his pen, wishes to picture America, how does he do it?— with a slave on the one side and the slaveholder and scourge on the other. Over the world there is no other emblem for this glorious Union than the slave whip. Can you object to the picture? Which of the last seven Presidents can you admire? We have but one book that we have contributed to the literature of the world, and every respectable newspaper, and every conservative pulpit, declares it a libel. There is many a man who weeps over Uncle Tom and swears by the HERALD. (Laughter and cheers.) But you know, and I know, that the governing mind of this country is not in the pulpit nor in the editor's chair

it is in the counting house. We are a commercial people, and that by the nobility which the possession of wealth creates. The counting house is the real great representative of the sentiment of the country. If we cannot play on a flute, we can say, with Pericles, we know how to make a wilderness blossom with fertility. Do these merchant princes report progress on Uncle Tom? Why, they sell their principles at the same time that they sell their goods; or rather they sell their goods and throw their principles in to swell the bargain. (Applause.) We come up here on these anniversaries, not for argument, but merely for a word. We come amid this Babel of piety in the May week, and we write on your walls our old motto: "Immediate and complete emancipation of the slave." But what is slavery, and how is it supported? Some men think it is supported by the New Testament and the Bible. Nonsense. Dr. Spring will pray quietly enough the moment pro-slavery becomes a losing question. (Hisses and applause.) Find me a balance on the wrong side of the ledger, and I will show you that scores of doctors of divinity will find out that Onesimus was not a slave. (Laughter.) It is our duty to show that the Christianity which the Puritans left us is a Christianity which does not veil its crest before a hundred thousand slaveholders and two hundred millions of dollars. The Rev. Dr. Rogers, of our city, published a sermon, in which he told us it was our duty to obey the Fugitive Slave law, right or wrong, and that in the first centuries of Christianity they obeyed the laws. Thus then, you will find according to Dr. Rogers, that our Divine Master and eleven of his disciples died violent deaths for obeying the law. And this is the ecclesiastical learning of Dr. Rogers! Point me to the page of history on which such a fact stands as that of three millions of slaves kept in bondage by thirty thousand slaveholders. What keeps them in slavery? The Union does. I would turn the Southern bankrupts out from the shelter of the national roof. But we render it possible

for the South to keep three millions of ignorant toiling slaves in the nineteenth century. Disunion would turn them out to pay their own debts; and I say that disunion is the slave's best hope, planting the cannon of self-interest on his side. Now, you may think that when we talk of the Union being a curse we are talking fanaticism. No, we are simply talking commercial truth. Could England have kept Ireland where she is were it not that her people were kept in ignorance by Catholicity? Slavery, intrenched in dollars and cents, must be attacked by the same weapons and tools. You may ridicule our ideas as mad now, but when the South has girdled the Gulf with slave States-when she has bought or bullied Cuba into the Union-when she thinks she can stand alone-then the proposition may come from the other side. You know that it is idle to speak with the slave interest-you know there is neither public opinion or principle enough in the Union to oppose the annexation of Mexico and Cuba. I met a gentleman the other day who asked me if there was no spirit in New England to oppose this, and I told him of Dr. Spring being afraid to pray, and of Dr. Dewey wanting to get rid of his mother. (Applause and hisses.) For once I have the audience with me-some of you are applauding me, and the rest hissing Dr. Dewey. (Laughter.) It is said that slavery will be gradually annihilated-that Kentucky will abolish slavery, and that other States will follow its example; and if this were so, you will have slavery dying for centuries. But it will still be spreading southward, and like the Dutchman's coat, what will be cut off the collar will be appended to the tail. (Laughter.) If we shall ever abolish slavery we owe it to the Hampdens and the Sydneys, the Cromwells, and the men of the Mayflower. Your system is to be gradual. Yes, and in the meantime your counting houses will be just as servile, the pulpits just as timid, and the newspapers just as pro-slavery. We live in a land where newspapers make Presidents. We live in a land where the HERALD makes the law. (Cheers and laughter.) Now I would fain make it possible for Daniel Webster to be an honest man. (Hisses.) God gives us great men, and we take and sacrifice them. I hate the Union because it does not let us bury any of our greatest men except in tears. (IIisses.) Our great men I say it not reproachfully. I am an American-oh, no! thank God, I am a Massachusetts man. (Hisses.) An American in Europe is a walking apology. (Hisses.) It is easy to hiss it in the city of New York, but it is hard to meet it in the streets of Europe. It is nevertheless true that all over Europe an American has nothing to do but to explain and apologize. O'Connell didn't shake hands with an American until he told him what State he was from. This country makes it almost the business of our lives to explain. And that's your glorious Union--none of mine. I would not acknowledge glorious a country which rendered it almost impossible for great men to lead symmetrical lives. With us so flagrant are the evils of our great men's examples, that their epitaphs must be examples to those who come after them. And that's your Union. I would make the service of the State privately honorable. The service of the State now is private dishonor, private infamy. And yet how shall men stand

before their wives and children, and practise at home the lessons they give from the forum. Call slavery something else-slavery, piracy, adultery-and we will recognize its deformity. I would therefore break up all these national arrangements. My problem is, that we want men as disinterested as the apostles to put down slavery. We cannot war against two thousand millions of dollars, and Gardner Spring in the pulpit. It was not Daniel Webster's fault that he acted as he did. God made him as good as any of us, but he sunk before temptation; and you sunk as low as he when you worshipped and idolized him. Every time I have alluded to Dr. Spring you have hissed me. The existence of such a monster is not my fault, nor that of the AntiSlavery Association. It is the fault of your school and counting houses; I say, given a Wall street committee and Dr. Gardner Spring in the pulpit, and the problem is to make twenty millions of people equal in honesty to the Apostles. How soon can it be done? "These be thy gods, O Israel." (Laughter.) That is your religion. (Hisses.) Hiss it, certainly. There was a Greek, who was not a Phidias nor Praxiteles, and he painted something which he got a Greek slave by his side to declare a horse. And so you describe a contemptible timeserver as a Doctor of Divinity or a politician. (Laughter.) I would move as my resolution this :

Resolved, That we re-affirm our old principle, "Immediate and unconditioned emancipation of the slave;" and we also reaffirm our conviction that there is no probability for that except by the dissolution of the Union and the re-constitution of the American church.

An old lady here advanced to the foot of the platform, and in a confidential tone assured Mr. Garrison that she had been listening to sermons and speeches on the subject of slavery, for the last ten years, but had never heard so fine a sermon as that just delivered by Mr. Phillips.

From the Boston Weekly Commonwealth, of Aug. 7, 1852.

ONE OF OUR MASTERS.

A MARYLAND FARMER.-The Easton (Md.) Star says that Col. Edward Lloyd, of that county, with his own servants-numbering near four hundred-some nine or ten farms-about six thousand acres of land, including timber land, raises annually between 30,000 and 40,000 bushels of wheat, and a much larger quantity of corn; besides various other valuable products. Besides these extensive operations in Talbot, he has a plantation carried on in the State of Mississippi, worth several hundred thousand dollars, and his annual income cannot fall short of $150,000. His residence is one of the most splendid in this country, and has been the homestead of the Lloyd family since their first settlement in Maryland.

Very grand and fine. And very convenient, and comfortable, and agreeable, no doubt, to Col. Edward Lloyd, "of that county." But where does it all come from? Wrung by the whip, the chain, the pistol, and the bowie-knife, out of the four hundred "servants," as the

Easton Star delicately phrases it, who cultivate the farms in Maryland, to say nothing of those who toil and sweat upon the plantation in Mississippi" worth several hundred thousand dollars." This nabob lives in a splendid" residence, while his four hundred "servants" spend their days in the corn fields and their nights in wretched huts unpaid for their labor, or paid only as horses are paid, that is, fed and sheltered well enough to keep them fit for work; uneducated, nay, strictly debarred from education, even from enough to enable them to read the Word of God; debarred also from all opportunities to better their condition; and not sure from one moment to another that their wives, or husbands, or children are their own, for they are liable to be sold at any time, on the least whim or caprice of Col. Edward Lloyd, or whenever that gentleman may wish for a little more pocket money. No feudal lord, no nobleman in any country, even the most absolute and most barbarous, holds his serfs in such complete subjection as this Maryland slave driver. Yet every one of them is a native born American, a citizen of this "free republic," and many of them may be and probably are greatly superior to their owner" in all that constitutes human worth or excellence. Frederick Douglass, as able a man as Maryland has produced, a man of greater intellect and nobler character than any public man of that State at this day, was born and held a slave for twenty years on one of the plantations of this same Col. Edward Lloyd. No man can tell how many more black Douglasses there may be withering in ignorance and wretchedness on these plantations, that Col. Edward Lloyd may live in aristocratic pomp and luxury.

Freemen of New England and the North, working men, mechanics, laborers and farmers, look again at this account of this Maryland slave driver. You have a personal interest in it. We all have a personal interest in it. Col. Edward Lloyd is one of our masters. He is one of those who dictate the policy which is pursued at Washington-one of those who have extended their peculiar institution over our once free soil, so that they may hunt their fugitives upon it--one of those who declare that if we murmur or "agitate" about it, or send representatives to Congress to speak about it, they will dissolve the Union, and overthrow the Republic which our fathers founded by their valor, and built up by their wisdom.

However, it is a consolation to remember, amid our degradation, that if we are slaves, we have magnificent masters--that our owners are not "common white men," but gentlemen who live in splendid residences, and have incomes of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars. Let us be thankful at least for that.

APPENDIX, B..

CONDITION OF THE NEGRO IN AFRICA.

The following Extracts are taken from Fletcher's Studies on Slavery, pp. 138–155:

So far as we have means, it may be well to examine the negro in his native ranges.

About thirty years ago, we had a knowledge of an African slave, the property of Mr. Bookter, of St. Helena Parish, La. Sedgjo was apparently about sixty years of age-was esteemed to be unusually intelligent for an African. We propose to give the substance of his narrative, without regard to his language or manner. For a length of time we made it an object to draw out his knowledge and notions; and on the subject of the Deity, his idea was that the power which made him was procreation; and that, as far as regarded his existence, he needed not to care for any other god. This deity was to be worshipped by whatever act would represent him as procreator. It need not be remarked that this worship was the extreme of indecency; but the more the act of worship was wounding to the feelings or sense of delicacy, the more acceptable it was to the god. The displays of this worship could not well be described.

Sedgjo's account put us in mind of Maachah, the mother of Asa. In this worship, it was not uncommon to kill, roast, and eat young children, with the view to propitiate the god, and make its parents prolific. So also the first-born of a mother was sometimes killed and eaten, in thankfulness to the god for making them the instruments of its procreation. The king was the owner and master of the whole tribe. He might kill and do what else he pleased with them. The whole tribe was essentially his slaves. But he usually made use of them as a sort of soldiers. Those who were put to death at feasts and sacrifices were generally persons captured from other tribes. Persons captured were also slaves, might be killed and eaten on days of sacrifice, or sold and carried away to unknown countries. If one was killed in battle, and fell into the hands of those who slew him, they feasted on him at night. If they captured one alive who had done the tribe great injury, a day was set apart for all the tribe to revenge themselves, and feast on him. The feet and palms of the hands were the most delicious parts. When the king or master died, some of his favourite wives and other slaves were put to death, so that he yet should have their company and services. The king and the men of the tribe seldom cultivated the land; but the women and captured slaves are the cultivators. They never whip a slave, but strike him with a club; sometimes break his bones or kill him: if they kill him, they eat him.

Sedgjo belonged to the king's family; sometimes commanded as head man; consequently, had he not been sold, would have been killed and eaten. The idea of being killed and eaten was not very dreadful to him; he had rather be eaten by men than to have the flies eat him.

He once thought white men bought slaves to eat, as they did goats. When he first saw the white man, he was afraid of his red lips; he thought they were raw flesh and sore. It was more frightful to be eaten by red than by black lips.

On shipboard, many try to starve, or jump into the sea, to keep themselves from being eaten by the red-lips. Did they but know what was wanted of them, the most would be glad to come. He cannot tell how long he was on the way to the ships, nor did he know where he was going; thinks he was sold many times before he got