ington, reflecting severely upon the conduct of certain officers in the battle of Bunker Hill.1

Mr. STIMSON, commenting upon the increasing forgetfulness of the story of Sir Harry Frankland, said:

I am interested in the matter because Lady Frankland's only nephew and heir, one Isaac Surriage, married Sarah Stimson, my great-grandaunt, and when Lady Frankland went through Washington's lines at the time of the siege of Boston to sail for England, not to return, the house and place passed into the possession of Surriage and later of George Stimson. His eldest son, the first Dr. Jeremy Stimson, kept the homestead, but the six younger brothers with their father moved to settle the towns of Wyndham and Ashland in the Catskill country of New York. Drake, in his history of Middlesex County, records that only Jeremy Stimson and Isaac Surriage voted for the Federalist candidate in Hopkinton about the year 1800. The town of Ashland was set out from Hopkinton about fifty years ago, so that the old Frankland estate lies now partly in both towns. Dr. Jeremy Stimson of Dedham (Harvard, 1804) was born in the house, and having lived to be eighty-six years old, related many of the tales about it to the writer. A good deal of the story is to be found in Mrs. Stowe's novel Oldtown Folks, but she mistakes the house for the so-called Dench house. The true house was destroyed by fire.

Sarah Surriage died young of the smallpox, and had a lonely marble monument in the forest; but there are two private cemeteries, one in Hopkinton and one in Ashland, with the tombs and monuments of the other members of the family. Bronze plates have recently been supplied and dedicated by the town to the memory of those of them who were colonels or soldiers in the war of the Revolution and the Colonial wars. After the Stimson family had all left Hopkinton, the estate passed through many hands. First, I think, to the Rev. Elias Nason, who wrote the history of Hopkinton, and from whom some of my facts are derived; then to the Mellen family; and the modern tenement now on the site of the old mansion on the top of Magunco Hill is now occupied by Armenians.

This letter is printed in Ford, Correspondence and Journals of Samuel BlachJer # 28, 1, 92. The original is in the Emmet ass. in the New York Public Library,

My great-grandfather, the first Dr. Jeremy Stimson, wrote a historical and geographical account of Hopkinton which was published in the fourth volume of the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society,1 and I have in my possession a diary kept by Dr. Stimson while a surgeon in the army under Washington, in the campaign about New York.

One wishes that one could add that Lady Frankland was married to Sir Harry before the earthquake in Lisbon, but such is not the tradition of the family here.2

Mr. FORD submitted the following note:

In Morton's account of his being shipped to England (New English Canaan, Prince Society, 336, 342) he speaks of a "Mr. Weathercock, a proper Mariner," who came unexpectedly in the depth of winter, when all ships were gone out of the land. "Hee would doe any office for the brethren, if they (who hee knew had a strong purse, and his conscience waited on the strings of it, if all the zeale hee had) would beare him out in it; which they professed they would. Hee undertakes to ridd them of mine Host [Morton] by one meanes or another." As a consequence Morton was shipped with Mr. Weathercock.

It is known that an effort had been made in September to induce Captain Brook of the Gift to take him to England, "but he professed he was not gifted that way, nor his ship neither, for such a purpose, as not willing to trouble himself nor his country with such vagabonds, from which they had been happily freed for some years before." Dudley says that Morton was sent out in the Handmaid, in December, 1630. The Handmaid reached Plymouth October 29, after having been twelve weeks at sea, and spent all her masts. On November 11 she went to Boston, "with Captain Standish and two gentlemen passengers, who came to plant here, but having no testimony, we would not receive them." Such is Winthrop's entry, and from him we learn the master's name, John Grant. This was the "Mr. Weathercock" of the New English Canaan.

1 I Collections, IV. 15.

2 A fuller account is to be found in a communication by Mr. Stimson to the New York Times, December 3, 1910.

3 Hubbard, History, 137.

Morton states the captain was given letters of credence to those in England for his taking so undesirable a passenger, and makes much caustic sport of the captain because of the short provisioning of the ship for the home voyage. The vessel was a wretched one even for that day. In the voyage to America twelve weeks had been consumed, and more than one third of the twenty-eight heifers had perished. The return voyage, made in winter, was even longer, though it is difficult to believe what Morton says, that "nine moneths they made a shifte to use her." He describes how they "sailed from place to place, from Iland to Iland, in a pittiful wether beaten ship, where mine Host was in more dainger, (without all question,) then Ionas, when hee was in the Whales belly; and it was the great mercy of God that they had not all perished." And again he says: "the vessell was a very slugg, and so unserviceable that the Master called a counsell of all the company in generall, to have theire opinions which way to goe and how to beare the helme, who all under their hand affirmed the shipp to be unserviceable: so that, in fine, the Master and men and all were at their wits end about it." As it was they were obliged to keep the carpenters at searching for leaks and caulking her sides. At last the ship reached Plymouth Road, and Morton, having escaped, as he thought, from even greater dangers than mere hunger or shipwreck, proceeded to instruct Mr. Weathercock upon his intentions against the Plymouth plantation. He told Grant to say to the Separatists, "that they would be made in due time to repent those malitious practises, and so would hee [Grant] too; for he was a Seperatist amongst the Seperatists, as farre as his wit would give him leave; though when hee came in Company of basket makers, hee would doe his indevoure to make them pinne the basket, if he could, as I have seene him."

The Handmaid had some beaver skins on board, doubtless some consigned by the Plymouth partners to their colleagues in London. Morton is severe on Grant for not having exchanged some of this beaver for provisions.

True to his threat Morton sought revenge upon the captain. "If John Grant had not betaken him to flight, I had taught him to sing clamavi in the Fleet before this time, and if he return before I depart, he will pay dear for his presumption.

For here he finds me a second Perseus; I have uncased Medusa's head, and struck the brethren into astonishment." 1 The "flight" of the captain was proof that he had gained by the letters in his favor, and had advanced in the confidence of the Company. In June, 1632, he entered Massachusetts Bay, from London, in command of the James, a vessel capable of making the journey in eight weeks. He brought letters, and also a "waved sword," a present from John Humfrey to the younger Winthrop,2 by John Greene, a passenger in the ship. The passage had been severe on the cattle, as Winthrop says she brought sixty-one heifers, and lost forty.3 Again in the same ship, he reached Salem, October 10, 1633, eight weeks out from Gravesend, and apparently on his way to Virginia.1 In August, 1635, he sailed in the Safety for Virginia.

Mr. FORD made the following statement in connection with an Indian deed completing the Nauset purchase, one of the three tracts reserved by the "purchasers" or old comers at Plymouth, in 1640-41:

Freeman states that in its original bounds Eastham (Nauset) contained a territory of fifteen miles in length by two and one half in breadth, having the Atlantic Ocean on the east, Barnstable Bay and Namskaket (Brewster) on the west, the herring brook of Billingsgate (Truro) on the north, and Monamoyick (Chatham) on the south. The document now printed from the original manuscript in the Society's collection (Miscellaneous Papers, I. 1628–1691, f. 43) appears to cover the original grant, and is doubtless the final settlement of the Indian claim, of which Freeman had no evidence. Some of the names of the localities are still to be found on the map, such as Boat Meadow Creek, Great Beach Hill, Lieutenant Island, Billingsgate Island, Bound Brook and Indian Neck; Poche is now Pochet, applying to a Neck and an island of the name, and Keskagonsett is Kaseagogansett, the name of a pond in Orleans. But the document gives some Indian names also, of which no other records seem to have been preserved.

Bee it knowne to all men to whom these presents shall come that wee whose names are vnderwritten doe freely acknowl3 Collections, IX. 245. • History, I. 94.

1 Winthrop, History, II. 234. 4 Ib. 137.

2

↳ Hotten, List of Emigrants to America, 121.

edge that wee haue giuen bargained and sold vnto Mr. William Bradford Mr Thomas Prence and the rest of the purchasers of Nausett these seuerall tracts of lands and are in hand payd by seuerall payments and in seuerall kinds: viz: in Mouseskinne Indian Coates Wampum kettles knives etc. the land sold and giuen to the purchasers of Easham by Mattaquasson,1 with the consent of Natnaught Namanamocke Jeffery Ammanuitt pompmo with other of the auncient Indians was all Poche and the three Islands next adioyning. As also Poche Island and the great Beachs with the lands on the west side of the Downe: beginning at the little Brooke called by the Indians Mamusqumkaett on the westerne side of Namscakett and so to Onoscotist called by the English the boate meddow and all the lands from the aforesaid little Brooke within a straight line from a marked tree at the head of Namscakett to the southermost part of the brooke that runes out of the pond to Keskagonsett and so to the bay. Oquomehod 2 Georges father Namanamocke Jeffery Amanuitt Mr John with the consent of George and the rest of the auncient Indians Natnaught pompmo etc gaue and sold from Onoscotist all the lands from William Meniches as farre as Nausett Sampson sold from Georges land to the Leiftenants land at great Billinsgate. Leiftennant Antony hath also sold all the lands from Sampsons bound to a little Brooke called by the Indians

3

1 Mattaquason, Sachem of Monomoyet, had a son, John Quason. Plymouth Col. Rec., IV. 64. He signs the paper as Sagamore.

This is undoubtedly the first signer of the submission of the Indians to King James at New Plymouth, September 13, 1621. The name is there spelled Ohquamehud, and Drake says he was a Wampanoag, but gives no authority. He may have been a vassal of Massasoit, but this deed would place him on the cape, and among the Nauset Indians. The submission, which is printed in Morton, New England's Memoriall, 129, was the only known occurrence of the name before the discovery of this Nauset document. Pratt says that George was "probably the immediate successor of Aspinet," who was sachem of Nauset when young Billington was rescued in 1621. Mourt (Dexter), 112; Pratt, History of Eastham, II.

The Lieutenants land is probably that owned by the Indian of that name, who signs this document with a mark. Lieutenant Joseph Rogers, in 1658, with the approbation of Governor Prence, "hath purchased of the Potonumaquatt Indians," namely Pompmo, the right propriator of those lands, as also Francis, the sachem to whom the said Pompmo gaue a portion of meddow land at Potonumaquatt, two small portions of meddow, one called Aquaquesett, being about five acres, more or lesse, and another smale parcell at a place called Mattahquesett, being about an acre and an halfe." Plymouth Col. Rec., III. 142. A grant of one hundred acres of upland at Pottamumaquate Neck, and six acres of meadow thereabouts, was made in 1666 to John Done. Ib. IV. 131.