this or starve." They carried the bill through the House and through the Senate, and it went to an Ohio Republican who sits in the seat of great Washington, whose arm is mailed with the thunderbolt of the Constitution; and he hurled his veto against the wicked bill, and killed it. Five times they tried the bill, and five times he killed with the power of the Constitution the wickedness they sought to perpetrate. And then, like cowards as they were, they passed all the appropriations but six hundred thousand dollars, and said, "We will come back to this subject next winter, and we will never give it up until we conquer you; and in the mean time," they said, “we will appeal to the people at the ballot-box." They are now making that appeal. And so are we. That is what we are here for to-night. And it is that appeal that awakens this people as it has never been awakened before since the days of Vallandigham and Brough, especially Brough. In the presence of this people, in the heart of this old Reserve, I feel the consciousness of our strength and the assurance of our victory.

Now, fellow-citizens, a word before I leave you, on the very eve of the holy day of God, - a fit moment to consecrate ourselves finally to the great work of next Tuesday morning. I see in this great audience to-night a great many young men,—young men who are about to cast their first votes. I want to give you a word of suggestion and advice. I heard a very brilliant thing said the other day by a boy in one of our northwestern counties. He said to me, “General, I have a great mind to vote the Democratic ticket." That was not the brilliant thing. I said to him, "Why?" "Why," said he, "my father is a Republican, and my brothers are Republicans, and I am a Republican all over; but I want to be an independent man, and I don't want anybody to say, 'That fellow votes the Republican ticket just because his dad does,' and I have half a mind to vote the Democratic ticket just to prove my independence." I did not like the thing the boy suggested, but I do admire the spirit of a boy who wants to have some independence. Now, I tell you, young man, do not vote the Republican ticket just because your father votes it. Do not vote the Democratic ticket, even if he does vote it. But let me give you this one word of advice, as you are about to pitch your tent in one of the great political camps.

Your life is full and buoyant with hope now, and I beg you,

when you pitch your tent, pitch it among the living, and not among the dead. If you are at all inclined to pitch it among the Democratic people, let me go with you for a moment while we survey the ground where I hope you will not shortly lie. It is a sad place, young man, for you to put your young life. It is to me far more like a graveyard than a camp for the living. Look at it! It is billowed all over with the graves of dead issues, of buried opinions, of exploded theories, of disgraced doctrines. Here are the tombs of Squatter Sovereignty, the Dred Scott Decision, Slavery, the Rebellion, State Sovereignty, Secession, and opposition to the war. You cannot live in comfort in such a place. But before I leave this graveyard I must point out to you a new-made grave, a little mound, short. The grass has hardly sprouted over it, and all around it I see torn pieces of paper with the word "fiat" on them; looking down in curiosity, and wondering what the little grave is, I read: "Sacred to the memory of the Rag Baby; nursed in the brain of fanaticism; rocked by Thomas Ewing, George H. Pendleton, Samuel Cary, and a few others throughout the land. But it died on the 1st of January, 1879, and the one hundred and forty millions of gold that God made, and not fiat power, lies upon its little body to keep it down forever."

O, young man, come out of that camp! That is no place in which to put your young life. Come out, and come over into this camp of liberty, of order, of law, of justice, of freedom, of all that is glorious under these night stars.

Is there any death here in our camp? Yes! yes! Three hundred and fifty thousand soldiers, the noblest band that ever trod the earth, died to make this camp a camp of glory and of liberty forever. But there are no dead issues here. There are no dead ideas here. Hang out our banner under the blue sky this night until it shall sweep the green turf under your feet! It hangs over our camp. Read away up under the stars the inscription we have written on it, lo! these twenty-five years. Twenty-five years ago the Republican party was married to liberty, and this is our silver wedding, fellowcitizens. A worthily married pair love each other better on the day of their silver wedding than on the day of their first espousals; and we are truer to liberty to-day and dearer to God than we were when we spoke our first word of liberty. Read away up under the sky, across our starry banner, that first word we

uttered twenty-five years ago! What was it? "Slavery shall never extend over another foot of the territories of the Great West." Is that dead or alive? Alive, thank God, forevermore! And truer to-night than it was the hour it was written! Then it was a hope, a promise, a purpose.. To-night it is equal with the stars, immortal history and immortal truth.

Follow the glorious steps of our banner. Every great record that we have made, we have vindicated with our blood and with our truth. It sweeps the ground, and it touches the stars. Come here, young man, and put in your young life where all is living, and where nothing is dead but the heroes that defended it. I think these young men will do that.

Gentlemen, we are closing this memorable campaign. We have got our enemies on the run everywhere; and all you need to do in this noble old city, this capital of the Western Reserve, is to follow them up and finish the campaign by snowing the Rebellion under once more. We stand on an isthmus. This year and next is the narrow isthmus between us and perpetual victory. If you can win now, and win in 1880, then the very stars in their courses will fight for us. The census will do the work, and will give us thirty more free men of the North in our Congress that will make up for the rebellion of the South. Stand in your places, men of Ohio! Fight this battle, win this victory, and then one more puts you in safety forever!

ZACHARIAH CHANDLER.

REMARKS MADE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 28, 1880.

THE following Resolutions were received from the Senate, pending which Mr. Garfield made these remarks.

"IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, January 28, 1880. "Resolved, That the Senate received with profound sorrow the announcement of the death of Zachariah Chandler, late a Senator of the United States from the State of Michigan, and for nearly nineteen years a member of this body.

"Resolved, That, to express some estimate held of his eminent services in a long public career, rendered conspicuous by fearless, patriotic devotion, the business of the Senate be now suspended, that the associates of the departed Senator may pay fitting tribute to his public and private virtues.

"Resolved, That the loss of the country, sustained in the death of Mr. Chandler, was manifest by expressions of public sorrow through the land.

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Resolved, That, as a mark of respect for the memory of the dead Senator, the members of the Senate will wear crape upon the left arm for thirty days.

"Resolved, That the Secretary of the Senate communicate these Resolutions to the House of Representatives.

"Resolved, That, as an additional mark of respect for the memory of the deceased, the Senate do now adjourn."

MRi

R. SPEAKER, -It cannot be too late, however late the hour, to pay our tribute of respect and affection to the memory of Zachariah Chandler.

There is a thought in connection with his life and the history of his State which has been referred to by the gentleman from.

New Jersey, and which may be still further developed. It only lacks two years of being a full century since Lewis Cass was born, and he and Zachariah Chandler have filled seventy-three years of that period with active prominent public service. And through all those seventy-three years there has shone like a star, in both their lives, the influence of one great event.

In the stormy spring of 1861, when the foundations of the republic trembled under the tread of assembling armies, I made a pilgrimage to the home of the venerable Lewis Cass, who had just laid down his great office as chief of the State Department, and for an hour I was a reverent listener to his words of wisdom. And in that conversation he gave me the thought which I wish to record. He said: "You remember, young man, that the Constitution did not take effect until nine States had ratified it. My native State was the ninth. It hung a long time in doubtful scale whether nine would agree; but when, at last, New Hampshire ratified the Constitution, it was a day of great rejoicing. My mother held me, a little boy of six years, in her arms at a window, and pointed me to the bonfires that were blazing in the streets of Exeter, and told me that the people were celebrating the adoption of the Constitution. So," said the aged statesman, "I saw the Constitution born, and I fear I may see it die."

He then traced briefly the singular story of his life. He said: "I crossed the Alleghany Mountains and settled in your State of Ohio one year before the beginning of this century. Fiftyfour years ago I sat in the General Assembly of Ohio. In 1807, I received from Thomas Jefferson a commission as United States Marshal, which I still preserve, and am probably the only man living to-day who bears a commission from Jefferson's hand." And so, running over the great retrospect of his life, and saddened by the bloody prospect that 1861 brought to his mind, he said: "I have loved the Union ever since the light of that bonfire greeted my eyes. I have given fifty-five years of my life, and my best efforts, to its preservation. I fear I am doomed to see it perish."

But a better fate awaited both him and the Union. Another son of New Hampshire took up the truncheon of power from his failing hand, and with the vigor of youth and liberty maintained and defended the Union through the years of its suprem

1 Mr. Robeson.