written by one of his ex-wives was purchased by Taiwan authorities for a sum said to be in excess of $1 million, and evidently was destroyed."

The Soong Dynasty (Harper & Row, 1985) page 10.

Attached is the Daly City Police Affidavit charging Wu Tun with my husband's murder, based on the police interrogation of Wu Tun in Taipei on January 24,1985. In it Wu Tun confessed that Chen Chi-li, the hit squad leader, asked him to help "teach a lesson" to my husband, because Henry "had written some bad things about Taiwan and its president."

On January 31, 1985, a Taiwanese newspaper, "Fa-yang Weekly" reported that in September, Chen Chi-li agreed with Taiwanese officials to kill my husband after Admiral Wang Shih-ling mentioned Henry's new book, and said that "A guy like Henry would have been killed long ago if a Chief of Police like Dai Li were alive.' This report and others confirm the several contacts between Chen Chi-li and several Taiwanese military intelligence officers, some of whom are now under arrest in Taiwan, and confirm Chen Chi-li would hide the true purpose of his trip to the U.S. by holding a big reception in Houston, Texas ostensibly for the purpose of honoring the U.S. publication of his gang's magazine, Mai Wah Reports. This reception, held at a Chinese restauarnt in Houston on September 25th, was attended by Liu En-Ti, the Houston head of the Taiwan official office (C.C.N.A.), by Chang Ning-chih, the Houston based head of the official Taiwanese Press Bureau, and by Chang Hsueh-hai, the Secretary of the Committee of Overseas Chinese in Houston, also an official of the Taiwan Government.

The involvement of Government officials in my husband's murder is not subject to any question at this time. Nor is the true motive. The only questions remaining are whether all of the people involved will be identified, and whether all of these will really be punished for Henry's murder.

Is there a Political Cover-up of This Case?

I and the Committee fear that both Taiwan and the Reagan

Administration will cover up the true story about my husband's murder for political reasons, and to protect the high officials who were really involved.

We have the following evidence of such a cover-up:

1. The refusal of Taiwan to extradite or deport all the
persons arrested for involvement in my husband's murder;
2. The failure of the Reagan Administration to publicly
denounce my husband's terrorist murder, or to insist upon
the delivery over of the killers to U.S. Justice;

3. The continued suppression_and_concealment of Chen Chi-li's
taped confession, which the F.B.I. has had for weeks, giving
rise to concern about a joint U.S.-Taiwan doctoring of this
taped confession; the growing conflicting newspaper reports
of drastically differing versions of this tape recording,
with a recently leaked one from Taipei alleging that Chen
Chi-li had no official support in this murder.

4. A cowardly campaign orchestrated from the Taiwan
Government to discredit Henry Liu by leaking alleged spy
letters, and spy rumours which have been given widespread
publicity in the press;

5. Recent intimidating approaches by the F.B. I. and Taiwan
Government officials to members of our Committee who were
suspected of writing about the Chen Chi-li tape recording,
or of having any information regarding this tape. In fact,
one of our committee members was threatened by a C.C.N.A.
official over this matter;

6. The refusal of the Justice Department to seek federal
civil rights indictments against any of the killers or their
sponsors, and the instructions of the F.B.I. and the Justice
Department to local law enforcement to limit their indictments,
and investigation away from Taiwan officials.

7. The failure of the federal F.B.I. and local investigative team to interrogate the several Taiwanese officials arrested in connection with this murder during their January trip to Taipei;

8. Interference by C.C.N.A. officials with local law enforcement and offering of gifts by the C.C.N.A. to local police;

9. Disturbing statements from local and federal law enforcement that this case will soon be closed, without any U.S. or state prosecutions or trials of anybody;

10. The failure of the Taiwan Government to appoint
an independent Warren type commission or special prosecutor
such as was recently created in the Aquino case and in
Israel, to conduct a blue ribbon, bona fide investigation
into Taiwan's official involvement in this crime. Instead,
Taiwan has only entrusted the investigation of the crime
to another military intelligence official, Gen. Wang, Ching-hsi,
who himself has been identified in at least one news report
of having approved the murder of Henry Liu in advance.
(Formosan Weekly, Los Angeles).

11. The State Department recently stated that

they would rather this whole incident and all of its details
be kept quiet for twenty years, because of the political
repercussions of the identification of government officials
in Henry Liu's murder;

12. The failure of U.S. authorities to arrange for the
arrest and surrender of Tung Kuei-shen, aka Little Tung
who is in hiding in the Philippine Islands, and who is
rumoured to wish to surrender to the U.S. Published
reports state that Tung fears he will be assassinated
by Taiwanese agents, and would only feel safe in U.S.
hands.

I and the Committee to Obtain Justice for Henry Liu are not pleased with the conduct of the U.S. Government so far in this case. We have found a profound historic precedent against which we can measure the U.S. official response to Henry Liu's death, and against which the U.S. response is found wanting. Almost a hundred years ago, a mob of American miners killed twenty eight Chinese miners in Rock Springs, Wyoming. Unlike the conduct of our Government in this case, the Chinese Government then made vigorous protests on behalf of its murdered subjects. As a result, this Congress, in 1887, voted an indemnity to the families of the murdered Chinese, totaling $147,000.

Since my husband's death, I have received no words of condolence or regret from any representative of the Taiwan Government, despite the admitted involvement of Taiwan officials in his murder. On the contrary, that Government has only acted coldly and insolently, in a manner which is unacceptable under both Chinese and American customs. It is disheartening to me, as Henry Liu's widow, to my Committee members, and, I believe, to the American public, that our Government has taken this rude and insolent behavior from Taiwan, without any public reproval. I and the Committee appeal to you, the Congress, to express a sincere and stronger response to the killers and their sponsors in official places in Taiwan; we appeal to you to help us obtain Justice for my murdered husband, Henry Liu! Thank you.

Can Chinese Americans Afford to Lose the Fight

to Obtain Justice for Henry Liu?

By Prof. L. Ling-chi Wang, Chair

Committee to Obtain Jusitce for Henry Liu

These days it is virtually impossible to read any Chinese-language newspaper or magazine published in the U.S, Hong Kong or Taiwan without coming across articles reporting on or analyzing the background behind the assasination of Henry Liu. Since the extraordinary admission of complicity by the Taiwan government in mid January, even the American media have been giving the case more than routine coverage. The most conspicuous demonstration of lack of public concern or interest in the case ironically comes from none other than the man who has been most articulate in his denounciation of international terrorism, President Ronald Reagan and his top officials in the Departments of Justice and State. The president obviously has his own hidden agenda and list of priorities. I will return to talk about what his peculiar behavior means for the Chinese American community toward the end of this presentation.

The Foremost Issue in the Liu Assasination

It is clear from these articles that reporters and analysts from varying political persuasions are taking sides in their debates over the political motives behind the assasination and the political ramnifications for Taiwan, for Taiwan-US relations and for US-China relations. For example there is even talk about how the case conceivably has ended the Jiang Dynasty in contemporary Chinese history and how it may even have set the stage for the repeal of the Taiwan Relations Act.

Beyond these heated, factional debates are countless issues related to different aspects of the case. Among the major ones in Taiwan are: the connections between the Zhu Lian Bang and the various intelligence agencies in Taiwan; the nature and extent of organized crime in Taiwan; the roles of the many intelligence agencies in Taiwan; the relations between the anti-organized crime sweep and the Liu murder; the influence of the Zhu Lian Bang in Taiwan business, politics, entertainment and law enforcement; extradition of the Chen Chi-li and Wu Tun; how will Chen and Wu and the high government officials implicated in the murder will be tried in Taiwan; and to what extent will American law enforcement agencies and media be allowed to participate in the investigation and prosecution of the suspects. Here in the U. S., issues such as the role of Taiwan spies among the Chinese in the U. S.; relations between the Taiwanese and American intelligence services; the role of NSA, CIA and FBI in the investigation of the case; the extent of Taiwan cooperation in the investigation; the relations between Chen Chi-li and the Coordination Council; Federal jurisdiction in the case; the role of the Justice Department in the investigation of the case; Taiwanese underworld organizations in the U. S., the possible link between the death of

Prof. Chen Wen-chen and Henry Liu; arms sales to Taiwan; extradition of suspects and the future of Taiwan Relations Act are reported and discussed frequently in both Chinese and American press.

deliberations.

All these issues, as interesting and important as they are in the continuing debates over the future of Taiwan, US-Taiwan relations and US-China relations, they must be considered secondary from the Chinese American standpoint. In making this assertion, I am not suggesting that Chinese Americans should pay no attention to these issues or should abdicate their responsibility and right in public debates and We should. However, I am suggesting that we as Chinese Americans should give highest priority to what I consider to be the foremost issue in the Henry Liu case, that is, the effective protection and guarantee of the most sacred and fundamental rights of Chinese Americans under the constitution of the U.S. No issue related to the case should be allowed to overshadow this issue. Henry Liu was first and foremost a citizen of the U.S. In exercizing his rights guaranteed by the contitution, as a writer, he was brutally gunned down in his own home in Daly City, California, by a terrorist hit squad dispatched from Taiwan. After nearly three months of cover-up and repeated denials of government complicity, we now know what we suspected from the very beginning, that at least a number of top government officials in Taiwan were intimately involved in the silencing of an American critic of the Taiwan government. While the investigation continues, it is our sacred task to prevent this Chinese American issue from being ignored or pushed aside.

Putting the same issue differently, does the Taiwan government have the right to subject Chinese Americans to its rule?- From the Taiwan government's perspective, Henry Liu had no right to write critical books and articles about the government, the Guomindang party and the leaders in both the government and the party, even though he was not a citizen of Taiwan and owed Taiwan no allegiance. From the information reportedly contained in the Chen Chi-li tape and the interrogation of Lt. Reece of the Daly City Police, the intent of the killing was "to teach Henry Liu a lesson," and by extension, to teach overseas Chinese a lesson on loyalty and submission to the Taiwan regime as well.

The mentality behind this kind of reasoning is not to be taken lightly or dismissed. Here, Chinese Americans are seen as a very important part of a worldwide nation of Chinese under the rule of the Guomindang. This rule cuts across national boundaries and citizenships. It is ethnicity, not citizenship, that ultimately determines the Guomindang domination. Not surprisingly, national boundaries in no way inhibit its claim of jurisdiction and prevent it from enforcing its will. The facade of worldwide Chinese support, espeically Chinese American support because of the leading role the U. S. plays in the maintenance of the Guomindang regime in Taiwan for the past 35 years, are considered necessary if the regime is to gain legitimacy and authority over the population in Taiwan by martial law.