abuse, that we shall give an abstract of his speech. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had opposed the motion on the ground of inutility: Mr. Pitt proceeded to shew its necessity." He would prove that abuses in offices of revenue really existed, and to a very great amount. In the Navy office, when an enquiry was instituted by the former Board of Treasury, the answer was, that no fees were received by that office. On a closer examination, however, it came out, that though fees were not received, gifts were-that those were received by many of the officers, and that, among the rest, the chief clerk of the office, whose salary was but £250 a year, received no less than £2,500 in gifts. Those were the wages of corruption, and undoubtedly hazardous to the efficiency of the ships and stores, inasmuch as they were bribes to silence on abuses. Contracts had been made which gratified the government and the country by their apparent lowness. The solution of the enigma, however, was, that the officers who were to look to the execution of the contract were in the pay of the contractor. The secretaryship of the Post-Office, had a salary of £600; the annual income, by fees on the packets, was made up to £3000. The two secretaries of the Treasury had £2000 a year each; but in war the fees swelled those salaries to £5000. The supply of furniture for the public offices was one general abuse, there being evidence that officers not only made no scruple to order the different articles, at the public expense, to their dwelling-houses in town, but to their country houses, and that at the most extravagant rate. The abuses in the public offices under the head of stationary were almost incredible, and frequently ridiculous in the extreme. He had heard of rooms papered with the public stationery. The annual charge for stationery was above £18,000; and it would, he believed, astonish the noble lord in the blue ribbon (North) to learn, for he fully believed that the noble lord was ignorant of any such circumstance,--that the year before last he had cost the public no less than £1,300 in stationery, and great as this sum must appear to gentlemen, he should not have wondered,-knowing as he did, of what curious articles the bill was composed, if the amount had been as many thousand. One item of the bill was a charge of £340 for whip-cord.!"

The motion was agreed to, a committee appointed, and the bill passed the Commons, but it was finally opposed by ministers in the Lords and lost. Mr. Pitt might have made statements still more ludicrous, and not less true.

A man of large fortune, and member of parliament, was publicly mentioned, who, on his being made a lord of trade, gave an order for a superfluity of pewter ink-stands for his own use. The ink-stands were brought, and he instantly exchanged the whole with the dealer for a handsome silver one. This piece of dexterity was too prosperous not to be followed up. He ordered green velvet enough to make him a complete courtdress, under pretence of making bags to contain his office papers. Stationery, the old official temptation, had not escaped his adhesive touch. His correspondents could recognise in his letters the office paper, full ten years after the Board of Trade itself was no more.

The British dominions in India had long been in an alarming situation, and it was generally admitted that an immediate remedy was indispensably necessary to preserve them. With this view, Mr. Fox, then Secretary of State, formed, digested, and brought forward his famous India Bill, which at first he carried through its several stages with a high hand.

He proposed to establish, for the supreme authority, a Board in London,

to consist of seven commissioners, in whom were to be vested the authority over all property belonging to the company, all control, civil, military, and commercial, all appointments of officers of every description, in both England and India, and the possession of all charters, privileges, and papers. Both the commissioners and the assistants were to be appointed by parliament. This plan had been sedulously kept from public knowledge until the last moment. But its hazards were instantly seen by the vigilant sagacity of Mr. Pitt. He pronounced it a design for vesting the whole power of India in the hands of the minister, and for thus continuing the domination of that minister until the day of his death, and the domination of his party while we continued to possess an Indian empire.

From the first announcement of this most daring assault on the constitution, Mr. Pitt stood forth as its defender, and exhibited powers worthy of the occasion. His first effort was to retard the violent and suspicious rapidity with which the cabinet hurried on the second reading of the bill.

"But a single week," he said, "has been proposed to comprehend a bill which extends to every function of government, and menaces every interest of the empire, present, and to come. Such is the time, allowed by the mercy or the contempt of the cabinet for the enquiry into principles which involved the living and future fates of England and India. And such is the scheme of usurpation and defiance which is planned by the man always loudest in sounding the alarm of danger to the liberties of the country. I can see nothing in the haste exhibited in carrying this iniquitous measure through parliament, but the precipitancy and ardour of plunderers, eager to grasp and hold fast their prey."

The coalition-ministry, composed of such a heterogeneous mixture, notwithstanding their majority in the house of commons, were generally obnoxious to the nation, and this measure was particularly offensive to the great body whom it immediately affected. The king himself was unfriendly to it. The fate of the bill was inevitable in the House of Lords: the committal of it was negatived by a majority of ninety-five to seventy-six, The bill was finally rejected without a division.

The king had thus far triumphed over a cabinet which was particularly obnoxious to him, and he determined that no time should be given to recover themselves. On the day after the debate, Lord North and his new allies were accordingly dismissed and Mr. Pitt, the new Premier, summoned to the head of the Treasury, was assisted by the advice of Lord Thurlow, as keeper of the Great Seal, while Lord Temple was sworn in as Secretary. Mr. Pitt had steadily refused the office, but nine months before. But the public aspect had totally changed. The cabinet was in the lowest condition of popular esteem. The lords and the king had risen together. The emergency was pregnant with hazard to the king's authority, for if the cabinet should force themselves back on him once more, he must be a cipher for life. Still the difficulties of Mr. Pitt's situation might have appalled a less resolute mind. He was to face a House of Commons crowded with partisans of the late cabinet, furious in its wrath at their fall, and pouring out the most violent declaration on what they pronounced the unlawful influence of the king's name. To increase his perplexities, Lord Temple resigned the seals within three days, under the nominal pretext of more freely meeting the charges of tampering with the royal confidence, the true motives being his alarm at the force arrayed against him. Many of the leading persons,

friendly to Mr. Pitt and his principles, shrunk from the responsibility of a cabinet in a direct state of war with the House of Commons. It was univer

sally predicted that this cabinet could not live a month. Mr. Pitt was fully sensible of those difficulties. Lord Temple's secession almost shook even his matchless serenity. "This was the only event," says his most intimate biographer-Tomline-" which I ever knew to disturb Mr. Pitt's rest, while he continued in health. Lord Temple's resignation was determined on at a late hour in the evening of the 21st, and when I went into Mr. Pitt's bedroom the next morning, he told me that he had not had a moment's sleep. At the same time he declared his fixed resolution not to abandon the position he had taken."

The cabinet was at length completely formed: and thus in doubt and difficulty, commenced the most glorious administration of England, and Pitt was the inspiring name.

Mr. Pitt now astonished the commercial and political world, by his own India Bill! He had the mortification to find the majority of the House of Commons against him; and he was placed in the peculiar situation of a minister acting with a minority, and that too in opposition to the strongest conflux of talents ever combined against any administration. He, however, remained firm in his seat amidst a general confusion; and though the house had petitioned his Majesty to dismiss him and his coadjutors, the young Premier ventured to inform the Representatives of the nation, that their petition could not be complied with.

This struggle between the commons and the crown was of the greatest importance, but the people at large were of opinion, that the former encroached upon the royal prerogative. On the question being, in a manner, thrown into their hands, by a dissolution of parliament, a new one was returned, which changed the majority, and preserved the Premier in his office. The commercial treaty with France was a bold scheme, and evinced deep political and mercantile knowledge.

One of the most critical circumstances in the annals of Mr. Pitt's administration, was, the period when the royal powers were, in a manner, unhappily suspended, and all the wisdom of the legislature was required to form a Regency. It was a crisis not only novel, but of extreme magnitude, as likely to become the precedent for future times; no such incident having, till then, occurred in the annals of our history. Some statesmen would have worshipped the rising sun; Mr. Pitt, however, pursued a different course, and, without seeking popularity, deservedly acquired it.

When the Revolution took place in France, the situation of the Prime minister of this kingdom became once more extremely critical. The aspect of Europe had assumed a new face, since the monarchy of France was shaken from its ancient basis. A war ensued, totally different from all former wars. In judging, therefore, of the merits of those who were concerned in managing the affairs of the nation, it is impossible to have recourse either to precedents, or to old political principles. A new mode of action, a new scheme of politics, was to be devised, and adapted to the circumstances of the day. If any merit be due to boldness of invention, to vigour of execution, to wide extension of plans, and to firmness and perseverance of conduct, certainly, the administration of that day had an undoubted claim to public gratitude, however unsuccessful their councils and plans proved.

The poet Cowper, in the "Task," referring to the difficulties in which Great Britain then stood, thus apostrophizes his country.

"Once Chatham saved thee; who shall save thee next?"

The answer has been well given by the son of Chatham, and is to be read in the independence and glory of our native land. It was surely a rare felicity for one family to have produced two such men.

The union also of the two sister kingdoms, Great Britain and Ireland, forms one of the most important epochs in Mr. Pitt's administration. The advantages and disadvantages of the union have been so often and so fully discussed, that we refrain from any observation on the subject. They who consider it as beneficial to the empire, venerate the author of so grand a scheme; and even they who disapprove of the measure, must admire the talents and perseverance displayed in its execution. The Irish union is still farther memorable, as connected with Mr. Pitt's resignation.

The subsequent events, on his being re-called to office by his majority, are too recent for repetition. Though there are too many in the world who judge of measures not by their apparent expediency at the time when they were planned, but by the success which attends them, yet the impartial part of the community declare, and posterity will recognize, the merit of Mr. Pitt in exciting on the Continent a combination against the rapacity and ambition of the French Emperor; which, circumstances, on which it was impossible for human foresight to calculate, unfortunately rendered abortive during his life-time, but which so completely triumphed afterwards.

Having given this sketch of the most important occurrences of his political career, we will speak of his conduct as a minister, and on his character as a private man.

An inflexible constancy of purpose, equally proof against casual failure and the most insurmountable difficulties, an erectness of principle, and a pride originating in, and supported by, his conscious talent and integrity, these were his chief characteristics as a minister; and his foibles, as connected with, and in a manner resulting from the same virtues, were in fact nothing but their excess. This inflexibility of character, accompanied him, as well in his means, as in his ends. Having fixed upon an end, general or particular, he fixed with equal firmness upon the means- and his system once adopted, his action once commenced, he suffered nothing to move him, but persevered through obstacles and defeats to the full accomplishment or the complete frustration of his proposed views He seemed to have adopted as his main principle of action, that inconstancy was more fatal than error; and that more was to be gained by persevering even in a wrong road, removing obstacles as they appeared, and moving steadily, though obliquely, to his end, than by changing his course as he discovered his errors. This was doubtless erroneous, but it was the error of a manly mind, and lofty character. Mr. Pitt may, indeed, be said to have found it an inheritance from his father. It was this foible in his character, which at times gave his adversaries advantage over him. As to himself, he wholly disregarded a partial failure; it was part of his system to expect such failures, and deeming them indifferent, he had no anxiety to defend them.-Many measures of his administration might here be instanced, which he never attempted to defend, or if he entered on his defence, it was with a kind of conscious pride, which still farther irritated his opponents.

Another characteristic foible of Mr. Pitt, was, an insurmountable jealousv

of place and honour; which led him, in his avarice for extensive reputation, to prefer instruments to associates, and thus commit the execution of his plans to those who were unequal to them. It is but justice, however, to add, that he shewed in every thing a peculiar magnanimity, and a characteristic. grandeur which never deserted him-his schemes, considered in general, and as separated from their executiou, were always great, and, as far as depended upon himself the means and the execution bore the stamp of the same master. Speaking of him as Prime Minister, the author of the "Pursuits of Literature" said Mr. Pitt goes into the House of Commons, not to cringe and bow, but to do the business of the nation; and he does it.

"To speak of Mr. Pitt personally, therefore, and not as minister, we cannot hesitate to say, that these are not times in which we can spare such a man. His firmness of purpose; his erect principle, his honourable pride, were qualities suited to the times; and if with such greatness he had some weakness, we must remember human infirmity, and forgive him all. His country owes him much, and must acknowledge the debt:-in its present situation, it does more than acknowledge it,-it feels it too.

"Mr. Pitt's best historical eulogium will be the plainest truth, nor can faction nor artifice sully the lustre of his eminent services. A whole people are neither to be bribed, nor imposed upon. Envy may revile, and self-interest may seek to blacken; but his fame, in spite of every effort to blast it, will flourish, while this kingdom or its language shall endure. No state chicanery, no narrow system of vicious politics, sunk him to the level of the would be great; his object was England, his ambition was fame-an ambition that would have raised his country above all the world, and himself along with her. The sight of his mind was infinite, and his schemes were to affect, not his country, not the present age only, but Europe and posterity."

An attention to commerce greatly distinguished Mr. Pitt's administration. Perhaps there is no man in the kingdom better acquainted with the principles of trade, than he was. The oldest and most experienced merchants have been astonished at his readiness in conversing with them upon subjects, of which they thought themselves exclusively masters. Many who waited upon him, in full confidence that they should communicate some new and important information, have, to their great surprise, found him minutely and intimately acquainted with all those points to which they had conceived he was a stranger. By the close attention which he uniformly paid to the mercantile interests, he also secured to himself an exclusive basis of support, which enabled him not only to resist a most vigorous opposition, but to carry into effect financial measures, which until his time were deemed impracticable.

To the financial talents of Mr. Pitt, even his most violent political enemies have ever been ready to do justice. Under his care order was restored in every branch of the public receipt and expenditure; and the revenues, which, when he came into office, were unequal to the demand of a most moderate peace establishment, soon increased to such a degree, as enabled him to accomplish an object, which if he had nothing else, would alone have entitled him to the lasting gratitude of his country. We mean the establishment of the Sinking Fund. For this great object he appropriated one million annually, which has now produced a large fund, applicable to the discharge of the National Debt. But much as we admire those great talents, which enabled him to conceive and accomplish so important an object, we are inclined to give him still greater credit for the unshaken firmness, for the inflexible