St. Petersburg in Summer is comparatively dull and deserted, although it is the season of its foreign trade, and when most travellers visit it. But the imperial family are at one of the imperial villas-usually Peterhoff or Tzarskoe-selo, the Tzar's village with its celebrated palace, parks, and grounds, and its halls of amber and lapis-lazuli. The nobility have generally gone to their estates in the interior, except those connected with the government at St. Petersburg. Summer is, however, not without its enjoyments even in the latitude of sixty. The nobility remaining resort to their retreats in the Summer Islands, where the people of St. Petersburg, fashionable and of all classes, spend most of their long midsummer evenings. Here we find the neat and unpretending wooden cottages of the nobility; gardens filled with flowers of every clime; and boatmen in their caiques, on the branches of the Neva, chaunting their mariners' hymns,-indeed we can almost fancy ourselves suddenly transported to some Neapolitan or Sicilian scene. It is delightful to wander in the long summer evenings through the parks and grounds of Imperial Yelagin and the other islands; passing from island to island, over light and airy bridges, through gardens of flowers and groves of fir, larch, cedar, beech, and weeping birch; watching the waning splendor of a northern sky-the blended hues of red, orange, and violet gradually fading away till midnightwhen you behold, in the same landscape, the pale twilight welcoming, as it expires, the silver gleam of the morning dawn--a sublime emblem of immortality.

The Winter in St. Petersburg is a very different affair. We pass through

the fogs and storms of autumn till winter comes, when the Summer Islands are deserted, the flowers gone, and the cottages, literally, boarded up; presenting, indeed, a scene of wintry desolation. Then St. Petersburg itself becomes all bustle and activity. The ice-hills are in motion, and the Neva ornamented with its evergreens. You see all the costumes of Europe and Asia-the Laponian and Siberian hunter of the North-the Kossack, Georgian, Circassian, Calmuck, and Tartar of the South. The markets are supplied with fish, flesh, and fowl, frozen as hard as marble, from Archangel and Astracan-from every province of the empire; the mighty Autocrat of all the Russias is seen flying about in his little one-horse sleigh, without an attendant but his coachman-driving with great rapidity, and occasionally tumbled out into a snow-bank by the "fortune of war" as unceremoniously as the humblest of his subjects; the solemn ceremony of the blessing of the waters of the Neva is performed, after which some at least believe them to be a sovereign remedy for all diseases; and last come the popular amusements of the carnival.

The Winter Palace has an appropriate name; for in that season it blazes with oriental splendor-with its crystals and gold, its rubies and diamonds, fountains and baths (the latter copied from the Alhambra) its winter garden, salle-blanche, Hall of St. George and its banquet room-resembling, on grand occasions, an orange grove laden with fruit. In these halls assemble the court of Russia-the most splendid in Europe. Its gorgeous nobility appear all glittering with jewellery and shining with embroidery, and amidst all this splendor the monarch enters in

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a simple but graceful military costume. At his approach all this jewellery and embroidery, these plumes and ribbons, epaulettes and orders, fall back and open a path, as if an uncaged lion were advancing. But the most extraordinary scene in the Winter Palace, or in any other in the world, is unquestionably the national popular festival. It is an annual fête. That in 1840-41 was the first given in the Winter Palace since it was rebuilt, and the most numerous assemblage ever within its walls, This festival includes every class from the Emperor to the peasant, all in appropriate costumes; on that occasion more than forty thousand tickets were said to have been issued, and there were probably not far from that number assembled within the walls of the palace. There were seen the Imperial family and court, surrounded by merchants, tradesmen, mechanics, servants, and peasants, forming vast and waving crowds, impenetrable to all but the Emperor and his train when promenading. It is curious to see the embroidered nobleman, proud of the antiquity of his blood-boasting his Scandinavian or Tartar origin-elbowed, jostled and pushed aside, by the humble Sclavonian peasant, in his anxiety to approach nearer to his monarch, as he passes through the halls. For one night in the year there is certainly "liberty and equality" even in the Imperial Winter Palace. Opposite to this colossal palace, on the other bank of the Neva, stands, in humble contrast within and without, the wooden palace of Peter the Great, which may truly be called Peter's log-cabin ; for it is nothing more. While the Winter Palace blazes with its thousand lights, this log-cabin, now converted into a chapel, is only lighted by a few candles on the altar the one a scene of revelry, the other of devotion, where the peasantry stop to worship.

Moscow. The road from St. Petersburg to Moscow presents little to interest the traveller. The country is generally, like most of northern Russia, flat and barren, until you reach the hills of Valdai; and towards Moscow, it becomes undulating; but is still uninteresting to an eye accustomed to our luxuriant and varied scenery. You pass over an admirable turnpike of about 500 miles in length, drawn by miserable looking but hardy and quick

horses, and driven by postillions, generally in shabby costumes. You pass many villages and but few towns. Among the latter is Novgorod-anciently renowned as the Rome of the north, and the seat of Scandinavian power-now a town of 8,000 inhabitants, pleasantly situated on Lake Ilmen and distinguished for its Kremlin. The beautiful lake and convent of Valdai and the town of Tver are worthy of notice; after passing the latter there is nothing of interest till you reach Moscow. St. Petersburg, now the capital of the empire, cannot be called, like Moscow, a Russian city. The former is altogether modern in its style, almost entirely European-the latter ancient, more Asiatic and truly Russian. The destruction of the city in 1812 has not altered its general appearance. It changed the style of some of the private buildings; but the venerable Kremlin, the churches, convents, &c., &c., appear now very much as they did before the conflagration, and give the city its ancient, and in a great degree, oriental character. The general view of Moscow is more striking and combines more sublime features, than that of any other city in Europe: approach it from what quarter you may, you are on some elevated ground. You suddenly see before you the panorama of an immense city, with its thousand towers and steeples-its green, red, violet, and gilded domes glittering in the sun-its seven gracefully undulating hills, spreading over a vast area-all combining something of Europe and Asia, of Rome and Constantinople, and uniting the cross and the crescent.

The Peasantry. It is almost dangerous to say anything favorable of the Russians, so universal is the opinion in Europe, and America too, that they are a nation of ignorant and savage barbarians, not susceptible of civilisation, and fit only for the brutal bondage in which we are told they are still held. These impressions arise from travels written a century ago, copied by succeeding travellers, even to the present time; from the monthly fabrications of English and French journalists, who find it a profitable business to abuse Russia and the Russians; and from hasty opinions formed by discontented travellers, who fly, as fast as they can, through a country where they find few good roads or public conveyances, soft

beds, or comfortable inns. The American traveller, as he passes through their villages and towns, and sees the Russian peasants clothed in sheep-skins and sleeping in groups upon the pave ments, is strongly reminded of the savages of our wilderness, and imagines them equally benighted. But those who will take the trouble to inform themselves will learn that the Russian Sclavonians, though held in vassalage for centuries, are naturally distinguished for genius, enterprise, courage, devotion to their country, an unwavering fidelity to their vows, and a devout reverence for their church. There are innumerable instances of the inventions and mechanical works of serfs who could neither read nor write. At the present time the instructed serfs are employed in every branch of trade and industry-in every art and science. This was in some measure the case even in the last century. We are told by the Count de Ségur, who was the Minister of France in the time of Catharine II., that on her return from her celebrated expedition to the Crimea, Count de Cheremetieff gave a splendid entertainment at his beautiful villa near Moscow, on which occasion there was an opera and ballet. He says that the architect who constructed the hall for the opera, the painter who ornamented it, the poet and the musicians, the authors of the opera, the performers in it and in the ballet, and the musicians of the orchestra, were all serfs of the Count de Cheremetieff. The peasants are also remarkable for their superstitious courage. On more occasions than one have the Russian troops been slaughtered by an overpowering force, refusing to obey the order to retreat, in consequence of some vow that they would not turn their backs upon the enemy. Their conduct in abandoning their homes and evacuating Moscow in 1812-following their priests with the sacred symbols of their religion, chaunting hymns of lamentation, and invoking the aid of heaven,-as the scene is described by the French historian of that disastrous campaign-was characteristic of the self-sacrificing devotion of the Russians to their country.

The number of serfs is estimated at about forty-five millions. Little reliance, however, can be placed on Russian statistics, whether relating to finance or population, owing to the fluctuat

ing value of the currency; the vast extent of her dominions; the imperfect returns from the provinces, and the variety of tribes and nations composing that empire. Most travellers take it for granted that all these peasants are not only in a state of deplorable ignorance but of abject slavery. This is not so. About one third, as is estimated, pay an annual hire to their masters or to the crown, and are employed as merchants, tradesmen, mechanics, architects, nay, in every branch of industry, art and science; some of them are wealthy, and some distinguished for their skill and talents. Such is the condition of this portion of the serfs. It is supposed that about another third are on the crown lands. These pay an annual quit-rent to the crown, and enjoy the produce of their own labor. They are virtually mere tenants of the crown, and are in as good a condition as any peasantry in Europe. The remaining third are on the lands of the nobility. Even these would be quite as well off as most of the peasantry in neighboring nations, if the laws for their protection were executed. According to these they cannot be sold without the land; their punishment is regulated; they are required to labor only three days for their master and three for themselves, on land which the master must set apart for their use. But these laws are evaded or violated; and, on badly managed estates particularly, the condition of the serf is wretched indeed. It may well be imagined what must be the condition of this portion of the peasantry of Russia in times of famine, when a single proprietor, perhaps without any property but his lands and serfs, and without credit, is called upon suddenly to supply food for the ten, twenty, thirty, forty, nay up to 150,000-for that is the estimated number belonging to the estates of the Count de Cheremetieff. The serfs of some of the nobility are no doubt cruelly treated; and when the crops fail, the peasants, on improvidently managed estates, wander about begging for food, and in their desperation sometimes commit horrid atrocities. But a large majority of the serfs of Russia suffer less than most of the peasantry and laborers of Europe.

The Emperor Nicholas.-It is still more dangerous to say anything in favor of, or even to do common justice to the

Emperor of Russia, whose character and fame seem to be under the special and charitable guardianship of British reviewers. If we believe these, and some French and German journals, the Emperor has not even the merit of Byron's Corsair-not "one virtue" amidst "a thousand crimes." Under a military despotism, where absolute power not only exists in the head, but, of necessity, is delegated to fourteen Governors General, or Viceroys, and more than a hundred civil and military Provincial Governors, scattered over a vast empire, and far removed from the fountain of authority, a thousand cruel and atrocious wrongs must be expected. For while there are many wise and just men among these Viceroys and Governors, (like Count de Woronzoff,) in so large a number there must unavoidably be many tyrants; for all whose acts the Emperor is held responsible, whether he has any knowledge of them or not. Whatever British reviewers may say, the Emperor Nicholas is an extraordinary man and admirably fitted for his station, as the chief in a military despotism. He is superior to his brother and predecessor, Alexander, in character and mind, and especially in those stern qualities so necessary to sustain a crown so often undermined by treason. His personal appearance and deportment are remarkable, and on all occasions he is distinguished for grace and propriety, whether in the martial pomp of a parade, on grave occasions of state, or amidst the solemn ceremonials of the Russian Greek religion. In his character he unites those extremes, so frequently found in men accustomed to military command or absolute power, of gentleness and fiery impetuosity. The slightest neglect or violation of military regulation instantly rouses his passions, and the reprimand follows quickly, whether the offender be his brother the Grand Duke, a major-general, or a subaltern. His conduct before and after his coronation, exhibited strong traits of character. Prior to the death of Alexander, at Taganrok, Constantine had renounced his right to the succession, and Alexander had sanctioned the act. These documents were sealed up and deposited with the Council of the Empire. When intelligence was received at St. Petersburg of the Emperor's death, Nicholas im

mediately took the oath of allegiance to his brother, Constantine, required the army and all to do the same, and despatched a courier to his brother, who was then at Warsaw, announcing this intelligence. The Council of the Empire disclosed the renunciation of Constantine; but Nicholas persisted in his allegiance. Two days after, the Grand Duke Michael arrived from Warsaw, with a second renunciation of Constantine in favor of Nicholas; but the latter refused to accept it, and all the decrees were still issued in the name of the former. At length, seventeen days afterwards he received an answer by his own courier, with Constantine's final abdication of the crown. Not until then did the Emperor consider the act of his brother in conformity to the fundamental law regulating the succession, as the voluntary act of an acknowledged sovereign. But then occurred the stormy scenes following his coronation, when a conspiracy, which had been maturing for some time previous against Alexander, burst upon his head. The conspirators, availing themselves of the fidelity of the Russians to their oath, took the side of Constantine, to whom the army had sworn allegiance, notwithstanding his voluntary abdication. The Emperor Nicholas displayed extraordinary promptitude and courage in advancing to the revolting regiments and offering his life, if they desired it; and equal forbearance in not permitting a cannon to be fired, until Milarodovitch, a distinguished officer in the campaign of 1812, was shot down by his side. The events of that day have had, no doubt, a strong influence on the character and reign of the present Emperor; and have given a higher tone of severity to his conduct, as a military commander, and as the chief of the secret police of his empire.

Many striking anecdotes are told of the Emperor's conduct during and after this revolt; of his fearless exposure of his person, and of his anxious solicitude to conciliate a favorite regiment by personal appeals, to spare the effusion of blood. One of the conspirators, who had repeatedly attempted to fire at him, refused to make any confession except to the Emperor himself, and alone. It is said he immediately ordered him to be brought to him. What was the nature of their conference was

never known; but it was understood to have had some effect on the fate of the prisoner. One of the chief conspirators, Troubetskoi, an officer of high rank and one of the nobility, who had not acted, it is said, very bravely, when the Emperor found it necessary to fire upon the insurgents, was sentenced to death. He petitioned the Emperor to change his punishment for exile to Siberia. He granted his petition, not as an act of grace, but as a heavier punishment, to live a dishonorable life, than to undergo the sentence of death. Others besides Troubetskoi will probably differ with the Emperor in this opinion, particularly after seeing, in the Museum of the Mines, landscapes of the beautiful scenery in Siberia. Indeed, looking at the barren and cheerless aspect of the country in Northern Russia in Europe, generally, and espe-. cially about St. Petersburg, rather than spend one's life in that region, we should be strongly tempted to petition the Emperor for the privilege of such an exile; or, if that was rejected, to commit some crime which would transfer us from the barren and desolate plains around St. Petersburg, to the grand and more refreshing scenery of the Oural Mountains.

Many of the measures of this monarch are worthy of admiration. The literature of the country has been much advanced during his reign. Notwithstanding the censorship of the press, there is a large and constant increase of printing establishments and journals, and more than a thousand volumes are printed annually. This is almost entirely the work of the present century and chiefly of his reign. He has had

published all the ukases, regulations, diplomas and treaties since 1649, and declared them to be in force since the 1st of January, 1835. Although these form an incongruous mass, they are useful for purposes of reference and reform, and the measure was an important step in the progress of law and civilisation in Russia. By his ukase of February, 1831, the Emperor ordered the establishment of 4000 primary schools on the crown lands, on which there are some fourteen millions of serfs. Another ukase of the 1st of January, 1830, decreed that the crown lands should be farmed out, and that of the 2d of November, 1832, ordered the execution of this important measure, on leases of 24 to 99 years, which must eventually, to a considerable extent, emancipate the serfs of the crown. In the present year, the Emperor has decided on the construction of a railroad of 500 miles, from St. Petersburg to Moscow, and has employed Major Whistler, one of our most distinguished engineers, to superintend the work. These are a few of many measures adopted during the present reign. It is but sheer justice to the Emperor Nicholas to say, that he has labored zealously, and has done more than any of his predecessors, to enlighten and improve the condition of the peasantry of Russia. These humane, wise, and just measures are, however, looked upon with jealousy and apprehension, by a portion of the ancient nobility, who believe that every measure tending to enlighten the serf undermines the foundation of their property and authority. The Emperor perfectly comprehends his position. He knows he is