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term of office. Then followed, in a subsequent series of articles, the enumeration of the principles on which the Republican party desired future policy to be based; as thus: "2. Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil, political, and public rights should be established and effectually maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate State and Federal legislation. Neither the law nor its administration should admit of any discrimination in respect of citizens, by reason of race, creed, colour, or previous condition of servitude. 3. The recent amendments to the National Constitution should be cordially sustained because they are right, not merely tolerated because they are law, and should be carried out according to their spirit by appropriate legislation, the enforcement of which can safely be entrusted only to the party that secured those amendments. 4. The National Government should seek to maintain honourable peace with all nations, protecting its citizens everywhere, and sympathizing with all peoples who strive for greater liberty. 5. Any system of the Civil Service under which the subordinate positions of the Government are considered rewards for mere party zeal is fatally demoralizing; and we therefore favour a reform of the system by laws which shall abolish the evils of patronage, and make honesty, efficiency, and fidelity the essential qualifications for public positions, without practically creating a life-tenure of office. 6. We are opposed to further grants of public lands to corporations and monopolies, and demand that the national domain be set apart for free homes for the people. 7. The annual revenue, after paying current expenditures, pensions, and the interest on the public debt, should furnish a moderate balance for the reduction of the principal, and the revenue, except so much as may be derived from a tax upon tobacco and liquors, be raised by duties upon importations, the duties of which should be so adjusted as to aid in securing remunerative wages for labour, and promote the industries, growth, and prosperity of the whole country. 8. We hold in undying honour the soldiers and sailors whose valour saved the Union. Their pensions are a sacred debt of the nation; and the widows and orphans of those who died for their country are entitled to the care of a generous and grateful people. We favour such additional legislation as will extend the bounty of the Government to all our soldiers and sailors who were honourably discharged, and who, in the line of duty, became disabled, without regard to the length of service or the cause of such discharge. 9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European Powers concerning allegiance' Once a subject always a subject'-having at last, through the efforts of the Republican party, been abandoned, and the American idea of the individual's right to transfer allegiance having been accepted by European nations, it is the duty of our Government to guard with jealous care the rights of adopted citizens against the assumption of unauthorized claims of their former Governments; and we urge continual careful protection, and encouragement and protection

of voluntary immigration. 10. The franking privilege ought to be abolished, and the way prepared for a speedy reduction in the rates of postage. 11. Among the questions which press for attention is that which concerns the relations of capital and labour, and the Republican party recognize the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full protection and the amplest field for capital, and for labour, the creator of capital, the largest opportunities and a just share of mutual profits of these two great servants of civilization. 12. We hold that Congress and the President have only fulfilled an imperative duty in their measures for the suppression of violent and treasonable organizations in certain lately rebellious regions, and for the protection of the ballot-box, and therefore they are entitled to the thanks of the nation. 13. We denounce repudiation of the public debt, in any form or disguise, as a national crime. We witness with pride the reduction of the principal of the debt, and the rates of interest upon the balance; and confidently expect that our excellent national currency will be perfected by a speedy resumption of specie payment. 14. The Republican party is mindful of its obligations to the loyal women of America for their noble devotion to the cause of freedom. Their admission to wider fields of usefulness is viewed with satisfaction, and the honest demands of any class of citizens for additional rights should be treated with respectful consideration. 15. We heartily approve the action of Congress in extending amnesty to those lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth of peace and fraternal feeling throughout the land. 16. The Republican party propose to respect the rights reserved by the people to themselves as carefully as the powers delegated by them to the State and to the Federal Government. It disapproves the resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of removing evils by interference with rights not surrendered by the people to either the State or National Government. 17. It is the duty of the Federal Government to adopt such measures as may best tend to encourage and restore American commerce and shipbuilding. 18. We believe that the modest patriotism, the earnest purpose, the sound judgment, the practical wisdom, the incorruptible integrity, and the illustrious services of Ulysses S. Grant have commended him to the heart of the American people; and with him at our head we start to-day upon a new march of victory."

Not a little anxiety was directed to the third of these political assemblages, calling itself the "National Democratic Convention," which met at Baltimore on the 9th of July: for on the nomination there decided upon, hung all the apparent chance for the success of Mr. Greeley's candidature. Had a third competitor been proposed by so large and influential a section of the Democratic party, the split in the ranks of Grant's opponents would have been irreparable. As it was, the prevailing desire of ousting Grant, be his successor who he might, led the Baltimore politicians to follow in the steps of those of Cincinnati. Mr. Belmont, of New York, made a long

term of office. Then followed, in a subsequent series of articles, the enumeration of the principles on which the Republican party desired future policy to be based; as thus: "2. Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil, political, and public rights should be established and effectually maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate State and Federal legisla tion. Neither the law nor its administration should admit of any discrimination in respect of citizens, by reason of race, creed, colour, or previous condition of servitude. 3. The recent amendments to the National Constitution should be cordially sustained because they are right, not merely tolerated because they are law, and should be carried out according to their spirit by appropriate legislation, the enforcement of which can safely be entrusted only to the party that secured those amendments. 4. The National Government should seek to maintain honourable peace with all nations, protecting its citizens everywhere, and sympathizing with all peoples who strive for greater liberty. 5. Any system of the Civil Service under which the subordinate positions of the Government are considered rewards for mere party zeal is fatally demoralizing; and we therefore favour a reform of the system by laws which shall abolish the evils of patronage, and make honesty, efficiency, and fidelity the essential qualifications for public positions, without practically creating a life-tenure of office. 6. We are opposed to further grants of public lands to corporations and monopolies, and demand that the national domain be set apart for free homes for the people. 7. The annual revenue, after paying current expenditures, pensions, and the interest on the public debt, should furnish a moderate balance for the reduction of the principal, and the revenue, except so much as may be derived from a tax upon tobacco and liquors, be raised by duties upon importations, the duties of which should be so adjusted as to aid in securing remunerative wages for labour, and promote the industries, growth, and prosperity of the whole country. 8. We hold in undying honour the soldiers and sailors whose valour saved the Union. Their pensions are a sacred debt of the nation; and the widows and orphans of those who died for their country are entitled to the care of a generous and grateful people. We favour such additional legislation as will extend the bounty of the Government to all our soldiers and sailors who were honourably discharged, and who, in the line of duty, became disabled, without regard to the length of service or the cause of such discharge. 9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European Powers concerning allegiance-' Once a subject always a subject'-having at last, through the efforts of the Republican party, been abandoned, and the American idea of the individual's right to transfer allegiance having been accepted by European nations, it is the duty of our Government to guard with jealous care the rights of adopted citizens against the assumption of unauthorized claims of their former Governments; and we urge continual careful protection, and encouragement and protection

of voluntary immigration. 10. The franking privilege ought to be abolished, and the way prepared for a speedy reduction in the rates of postage. 11. Among the questions which press for attention is that which concerns the relations of capital and labour, and the Republican party recognize the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full protection and the amplest field for capital, and for labour, the creator of capital, the largest opportunities and a just share of mutual profits of these two great servants of civilization. 12. We hold that Congress and the President have only fulfilled an imperative duty in their measures for the suppression of violent and treasonable organizations in certain lately rebellious regions, and for the protection of the ballot-box, and therefore they are entitled to the thanks of the nation. 13. We denounce repudiation of the public debt, in any form or disguise, as a national crime. We witness with pride the reduction of the principal of the debt, and the rates of interest upon the balance; and confidently expect that our excellent national currency will be perfected by a speedy resumption of specie payment. 14. The Republican party is mindful of its obligations to the loyal women of America for their noble devotion to the cause of freedom. Their admission to wider fields of usefulness is viewed with satisfaction, and the honest demands of any class of citizens for additional rights should be treated with respectful consideration. 15. We heartily approve the action of Congress in extending amnesty to those lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth of peace and fraternal feeling throughout the land. 16. The Republican party propose to respect the rights. reserved by the people to themselves as carefully as the powers delegated by them to the State and to the Federal Government. It disapproves the resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of removing evils by interference with rights not surrendered by the people to either the State or National Government. 17. It is the duty of the Federal Government to adopt such measures as may best tend to encourage and restore American commerce and shipbuilding. 18. We believe that the modest patriotism, the earnest purpose, the sound judgment, the practical wisdom, the incorruptible integrity, and the illustrious services of Ulysses S. Grant have commended him to the heart of the American people; and with him at our head we start to-day upon a new march of victory."

Not a little anxiety was directed to the third of these political assemblages, calling itself the "National Democratic Convention," which met at Baltimore on the 9th of July: for on the nomination there decided upon, hung all the apparent chance for the success of Mr. Greeley's candidature. Had a third competitor been proposed by so large and influential a section of the Democratic party, the split in the ranks of Grant's opponents would have been irreparable. As it was, the prevailing desire of ousting Grant, be his successor who he might, led the Baltimore politicians to follow in the steps of those of Cincinnati. Mr. Belmont, of New York, made a long

address, in which, whilst showing that personally he owed nothing to Mr. Greeley, he expressed his strong opinion that the Convention ought to nominate him. He recognized the fact that Mr. Greeley had been a life-long opponent of the Democratic party, but the Cincinnati Platform and Mr. Greeley's letter of acceptance he looked upon as essentially Democratic documents, and he thought Mr. Greeley, in the present state of affairs, was the man upon whom all the opponents of Grant could best unite. He really believed that, if nominated by the Convention, Mr. Greeley would faithfully carry out the doctrines of the Democratic party, and he, therefore, would give Mr. Greeley his cordial support.

Horace Greeley was nominated accordingly for the President, and Brown for Vice-President; and not only the Cincinnati candidates, the Cincinnati Platform also was adopted in its integrity. This was, in fact, a significant turn of party politics; a surrender of principle on the part of a large portion of the Democrats to the single object of preventing the continuance of the present rule; but the "National Democrats" might not unfairly retort that the "Liberal Republicans" also had sacrificed principle in order to meet the Democrats half-way, and that the Platform which both now settled to adopt was essentially a compromise between the two inconsistent lines of policy they had hitherto advocated.

As there was a loyal section of the Republicans, however, so there was a loyal section of the Democrats, who were by no means satisfied with the "new departure" of their party; and in the beginning of September this section, known as the "Straight-out Democrats," or "Bourbonists," held their rival Convention at Louisville, Kentucky. The Louisville Convention was strongly encouraged by the partisans of Grant, as tending to divide the hostile ranks. The candidate set up by the "Straight-out Democrats" was Mr. Charles O'Conor, leader of the New York Bar, a gentleman of considerable personal and professional eminence. Mr. O'Conor, however, objected to being brought forward. In a remarkable letter addressed to the Convention, he stated his reasons, based on theories of Government which were manifestly incompatible with the present working of the Constitution. He launched into a vigorous denunciation of the abuses by which the Presidential power had been allowed to make head against the defences originally contemplated by the Constitution, especially in the multiplication of offices, and the opportunities thereby afforded of corrupt patronage. He denounced also the corrupt system of taxation. "Paternal Government," he said, "is not necessarily mischievous in a Monarchy, but in a Republic based upon universal suffrage it cannot fail to foster innumerable evils. It is, in fact, the sum of all villanies.' A Government which devotes some of its powers to 'putting money in men's pockets' must employ others in extortion. The policy involves a continuous career of rapine and favouritism." For these and other evils he declared that a strict habit of popular veillance was the only remedy; a remedy far more efficacious

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