necessary that it should be represented in the Government departments in the same ratio as in the population. Every other religious body has as much right to claim this as the Catholics-the Lutherans as well as the Jews. When I returned from France to devote myself to home affairs, the Centre (clerical) party, which had just been formed, seemed to me a party whose policy was directed against the predominance and unity of the State. I will not conceal from you that the Government had hoped to rely upon the assistance of the orthodox element in the people, and thought it had a right to expect that they, above all, would render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's. Instead of this we find ourselves systematically withstood in the south, and most virulently attacked in papers and in speeches destined for the instruction of the lower classes. This conduct is the more extraordinary, inasmuch as the Pope and the Prussian Bishops of the Catholic Church have repeatedly acknowledged the perfect liberty their co-religionists enjoy under our institutions. In their downright hostility, therefore, the Ultramontane party cannot be actuated by dissatisfaction at the position the Catholic Church holds, and indeed has long held among us. Unfortunately, we are at no loss to account for their motives. When we find this party leaguing with Radicals of every shade of persuasion when we find them acting in concert with men whose extreme politics make them avowed enemies of the Prussian Constitutional Monarchy and of the German Imperial Commonwealth we need not wonder at their drifting into persistent opposition, and placing us in the painful position in which we now stand with regard to them."

A few days afterwards the School Inspection Bill was brought forward in the House of Deputies. The Bill was announced as a result of the twenty-third article of the new Constitution. It provided that the supervision of all educational institutions, public and private, should be entrusted to the State; that all officers appointed as inspectors should be servants of the State, and in no way responsible to the different religious denominations. It was obvious, as soon as the forces on both sides ranged themselves in order for debate, that Bismarck's late speech had cleared the way to a certain readjustment of parties. The Catholics-those of Silesia especially -presented a monster petition against the measure. It found opponents in the "Clericals" generally; the stiff-orthodox Protestants acting in conjunction with the Ultramontanes. The Poles were hostile to it on national grounds, holding it as a step in the process of Germanizing the Polish provinces. On the other hand, the Liberal party, of all sorts and shades, combined to uphold it. At Court, Bismarck's policy on this question met with very faint sympathy. The Queen was known to be an advocate of denominationalism, and the King's inclinations were in the same direction. With the exception of the Crown Prince, the Minister had no thoroughgoing supporter in the highest circle of all; and, meanwhile, the leader of the antagonistic party, the astute Dr. Windthorst, was

Q

reported to be growing into a degree of personal favour, for which Bismarck's uncourtly temperament never at any time specially qualified him.

When the Bill was brought in, the Minister of Education, Dr. Falk, defended it in a long speech. He said that the Ministry had paid special attention to the question of School Inspection by the State, being well aware that a strong opposition had been manifested against the measure; but it had come to the conclusion that the bill would be supported by the country generally. There was no desire, as had been insinuated by Dr. Windthorst, to exclude religion from the schools or to establish a godless State. The aim of the bill was not to prevent clergymen from taking part in education, but to make it clear that if a clergyman was employed

on

school inspection he was in that capacity the servant of the State, not of the Church; and also to provide that the State should not be hampered in its selection of inspectors by the ecclesiastical authorities. There was no intention on the part of the Government to remove any of the present inspectors merely because they were clergymen." But the experience of many years," said Dr. Falk, "has shown that clergymen, who are excellent preachers and admirably fulfil their other religious duties, are not efficient school inspectors; and the religious movement which is now taking place in Prussia as well as in the rest of Europe renders it imperative, in order to avoid internal conflicts, that all the schools should be under the direct control of the State. . . . This alone will enable us to carry out the principles of the Constitution, which does not favour one religion more than another, but must in justice give equal rights to all." Prince Bismarck next addressed the House. He said that it was above all the wish of the Government to bring about peace in religious matters, and to give full satisfaction to so numerous a class as the Prussian Catholics, and it had sincerely endeavoured to arrive at this result by means which neither endangered the security of the State nor religious liberty in its largest sense. But the Catholic Church in Prussia had connected itself with elements which were entirely foreign to a Church's pacific mission. "Before the establishment of the Clerical (centre) party," said the Chancellor, "there was a party in the House which consisted of one member only, Dr. Windthorst, a great general without an army. Since then he has succeeded, like Wallenstein, in raising an army from the ground by stamping his foot. Are the interests of the army and those of its leaders the same? or does the army, trusting in the skill of its leader, fight for ends which are not its own? Dr. Windthorst," continued the Prince, was first known to me as a faithful supporter of King George of Hanover, and I have not heard that since then he has abandoned the cause of that monarch. His political action is not necessarily opposed to the view which many people may be disposed to adopt, that his heart is still attached to his former Sovereign. . . . He has insinuated that one may be a royalist for years, and then suddenly

desert to parliamentarianism. I might reply that it frequently happens, that the most bitter enemy of a particular monarchy may strive, under the disguise of sympathy for that monarchy, to obtrude advice upon its king which is highly dangerous to its very existence." He recommended the clericals to withdraw from this "Guelphic leadership" with which they had nothing in common, and which only aimed at subverting the established order of things. Another extraneous ally whom the clericals had secured, the Prince said, was the party of the Polish nobility, who wished to separate from the Germans in the Prussian monarchy, and to restore old Poland with its former frontiers. It was notorious that the clergy-even those of the German nationality-who acted as school inspectors in Polish and half-Polish districts, sympathized with the attempts of the Poles to make the language of the schools Polish rather than German. "We have villages in West Prussia which were formerly German, and where the rising generation now understands nothing but Polish; this is a clear proof of the effectiveness of the Polish agitation during the last hundred years. That agitation has hitherto been tolerated by the State, but we are not disposed to let it continue. And if any more complaints come before us in favour of the Polish language, we will simply answer them by a bill in favour of the German language." In another speech the following day, which concluded the debate, Prince Bismarck observed that Germany was the only country where the clergy did not pursue national objects. "The Polish clergy shares the national aspirations of Poland, the Italian clergy those of Italy, and the French clergy those of France. . . . In Germany, on the other hand, the clergy have a sort of international character; they are more attached to the Catholic Church, even when it is opposed to the development of Germany, than to their country." Here Dr. Windthorst exclaimed, "Proofs!" Prince Bismarck replied, "Ah, gentlemen, look into your own hearts!" Laughter rose from the Assembly. "The previous speaker," continued the Prince, “has reminded me of speeches I made twenty-three years ago-in the year 1849. I could simply dispose of this charge with the remark that in a space of twenty-three years-especially as they were the best years of a man's life-I have learned something, and that in any case I, at least, am not Infallible! But I will go farther. Whatever professions I have made in regard to my Christian faith I now openly reiterate, and I will never hesitate to do so either at home or in public; but it is this very Christian faith which makes it my duty to the country where I was born, and where a high function has been entrusted to me, to protect it against all attacks. When the foundations of the State were attacked by barricades and the Republican party, I considered it my duty to stand at the breach; and if it should be attacked by other parties, whose duty it was and is, rather to strengthen the State than to overthrow it, you will see me there at the breach also. Such is the conduct which Christianity and faith prescribe to me." He

ended amidst loud cheers. The House then divided, and the Bill passed by a majority of 197 to 171.

The measure was brought before the Upper House on the 6th of March. Its probable fate there was matter of much anxiety to the Government leaders. They had against them the Feudalists, Bismarck's old allies, in conjunction with the representatives of Ultramontane opinions; and both classes had done their very utmost to represent the issue of the debate as vital to the religious life of the country, and as involving the most serious spiritual results to each voter. But, on the other hand, the old Conservatives were not a little thrown out of their reckoning by the turn German politics had lately taken. To have Bismarck against them, and the extreme Catholics for their supporters, involved a state of things in which they could hardly work at ease. Moreover, certain circumstances had just occurred which tended to strengthen the position of ministers.

A youth named Westerwell, of Polish descent, was arrested at Berlin on the charge of plotting and conspiring against the life of the Chancellor. The facts proved against him were so triflingamounting to nothing more than some silly speeches-and the youth himself was so obviously weak-minded and innocuous, that the government prosecution against him dropped; but his examination revealed one important circumstance. He had resided lately, when at Posen, in the house of Canon de Kozmian, a Jesuit, and an ardent champion of the Polish Home Rule and Nationality doctrine. At domiciliary visit to the house of Canon Kozmian was ordained; sundry papers in his possession were seized, and the clerical Hotspur was relegated to temporary seclusion within the walls of a convent.

The debate on the School Inspection Bill lasted two days. The Chancellor stood in the front of battle, wielding the forces of argument with his usual incisive power. The other speakers did little more than reiterate the pleadings already advanced in the Lower House on either side of the question. Bismarck observed that once on a time Prussia had lived in a state of religious peace envied by all Europe: even with that Religious Confession (the Romanist), which it was more difficult than any other to hold in reconciliation with the lawful position and claims of an "Evange lical" dynasty. With the larger development of Prussia and of the Evangelical dynasty consequent first on the events of 1866, the position of things had altered. What the aims and objects of the Roman Catholic party as a whole now were, how utterly incompatible with the interests and policy of the new Empire, he proceeded to show, first by reading a despatch from one of his diplomatic representatives abroad, who had written to him thus :-"The revenge for which people are panting in France is being prepared for by getting up religious troubles in Germany. It is intended to cripple German unity by denominational discord, for which purpose the whole of the clergy are to be utilized under immediate orders from Rome. In connexion with the overthrow of German power, the Pope hopes

to be able to re-establish his secular position in Italy. It is obvious, indeed, that as far as France is concerned the Pope cannot expect assistance from her, unless he consents to direct her clergy to cooperate in the great national cause of revenge on Germany. Only by thus combining the national and ecclesiastical interests can an agreement be effected between them in France; or, more correctly, can the nation be duped by the priests. The restoration of the European supremacy of France will, therefore, be the mot d'ordre of her Church, whatever form of Government the country may happen to live under. Thus fresh elements of strength are being formed in France, while Germany, by the labours of her own Catholic clergy and the dictates it receives from Rome, Paris, and Brussels, is to be thrown into disorder." And in another passage of the same despatch" I should be indulging in illusions were I to conceal from myself that the preparations making for révanche are meant to serve against Germany as well as against Italy. The plan seems to be to begin with paralyzing Germany by means of domestic discord, and then to come down with a crushing blow upon Italy, whose clergy are only waiting for the signal."

In a subsequent part of the debate, Bismarck found occasion to avail himself of the discoveries that had lately been made in connexion with the affair of Westerwell. Count Brinski, a Polish gentleman from Posen, had spoken in opposition to the contemplated measure. The Chancellor was able to turn upon him with the declaration that in Posen, of all countries, the Ultramontane agitation found a lever of special force in the disaffection of the inhabitants to German rule. Were proofs of this disaffection wanting, he had them at hand. And here the Chancellor caused no small sensation in the Assembly by proceeding to read out various passages from the papers that had lately been seized on occasion of the domiciliary visit to the residence of Canon de Kozmian. One of the documents in question was a letter from the Opposition leader, Dr. Windthorst, to that clerical agitator. "Do not," said the writer, "send us any more addresses to the German Parliament. Rather send them to the various German Sovereigns direct, where they are sure to produce an impression, if continued systematically, and at regular intervals. Even though we may have little to hope for at the hands of the German potentates themselves, yet if these petitions show their Catholic subjects to be stirring, they will not dare to interfere with the move which the Catholic Powers, sooner or later, are sure to make in behalf of his Holiness the Pope." Then, from the same packet of confiscated documents, Bismarck read out a letter to Kozmian from the busy Ultramontane politician Ketteler, Bishop of Mayence, urging arguments to the same effect.

"This," said the Prince, "looks very much like an attempt on the part of the writer to befriend foreign Powers, although it is taken for granted that their political and even their military interests in a coming war may be different from those of Germany. Were this course persevered in, and were the Government more suspicious and