very name of liberty seems in ger of becoming unpopular; nor s he betray the slightest taint of se extravagant and chimerical nions concerning government, ich have infected another part of countrymen. We may say that im which cannot always be said historians of great name, that, as instructor in morals and politics, is uniformly safe. Justice, bunity, liberty, and public tranIlity have in him an enlightened 1 inflexible advocate. these-the invariable interests of nkind-he pronounces with rigid partiality the judgment of history all their enemies, whatever preit they may assume by whatever tives they may be instigated, and der whatever disguises they may

pear.

Faithful

The success of such a work, we pe, will stimulate and encourage ose scholars and philosophers, who ve perhaps too hastily supposed at politics had absorbed every 1er sentiment, and whom that apehension has hitherto induced to thold their works from the public. me such we ourselves have the nour of knowing; and many more, have no doubt, are actuated by nilar apprehensions. The exame of Mr. Roscoe is sufficient to ove to them that all taste for scitific discussion and literary rearch is not extinguished, and that e public still feel an interest in the story of Poggius and Politian, of ichael Angelo and Raphael; and en if the world were more exusively occupied by politics, it uld be worthy of men of genius attempt to soften the harshness of political temper by the infusion of egant literature into the mind. e should be far, indeed, from

wishing that the people of England were more employed even in the most delightful amusements that letters can afford, than concerned about the great interests of their country: but it is the nature of welldirected literary pursuits to calm and mitigate the animosity of faction, without extinguishing or even enfeebling public spirit.

An Enquiry into the Foundation and History of the Law of Nations in Europe, from the Time of the Greeks and Romans to the Age of Grotius. By Robert Ward, of the Inner Temple, Esq. Barrister at Law, 2 vols. 8vo.

IT

to English lawyers, that, howT has been a frequent reproach ever profound and extensive may be their knowledge of the laws and constitution of their own country, they are remarkably ignorant of the laws and constitutions of other countries, and are little acquainted either with diplomatic jurisprudence, or with the law of nations. In almost every other art and science, England has produced authors whose works hold a distinguished rank in the republic of letters: but she has scarcely given birth to one writer on general law, whose works are cited. out of her own courts of justice, or read by the learned of other nations. Lord Bolingbroke, who sometimes took a pleasure in exposing the defects of his countrymen, has, on more than one occasion, made this remark in his writings.

We have now before us, however, a work on the law of nations that may, perhaps, contribute much towards redeeming us from this reproach.

Mr. Ward

Mr. Ward commences his labours by endeavouring to settle the exact import of the expression, the law of nations, and by pointing out the real foundation of that law. The author admits that the law of nature forms a part of it: but, observing (to use his own expressions) 'how discordant the opinions of many are, upon the ramifications of the law of nature, he concluded it to be necessary, that the foundations of the law of nations should be something more fixed and definite; and therefore in addition to the law of nature, not with a view to reject it, he holds revealed religion, and the moral system engrafted upon it to be the surest foundation.'

The author then treats of the law of nations, as it is observed by the Christian world. This is the subject of the first three chapters. In the fourth, he endeavours to shew that the law of nations is not to be considered as the law of the world, but only as the law of particular classes of nations, united together by simiJar religious and moral institutions. In the fifth chapter, which closes this part of his publication, he shews how different classes of nations may be distinguished; this chapter is, in our opinion, the most important of this part of the work: for, though we think that the author has discovered great ingenuity and ability, in his inquiry into the foundation of the law of nations, yet the principles both of the law of nature and of the law of nations are necessarily so broad, that it is extremely difficult, and sometimes impossible, to express them in such a manuer as to give perfectly distinct and exact notions of the ideas which they are designed to convey; and in this respect, writers on municipal law

3

have greatly the advantage. On this imperfection of the law of nations, Mr. Ward has the following pertinent remark:

As the principles of all civil and municipal laws must be founded in natural reason, but derive the form and manner in which they are brought into use from positive institutions; so also the law of nations must put in force the dictates of nature, in some known mode agreed upon by all who conform to them. The only difference is, that in the one case, it is individuals who are called upon to settle the mode; in the other, it is whole nations acting through the organs of their government; that in the one, almost every thing that can exercise the judgment of an individual in bis various relations, is settled for him by written law, or by precedent; while among states, (from their comparatively little intercourse and the want of a common sovereign,) much is left without precedent, wavering, as accident, or whim-or the varying ideas of natural justice, may direct.'

He then proceeds to give a chronological account of the law of nations as it has been observed in Europe: of the strange ideas that were formerly entertained of it; of the gradual changes which took place in those ideas, and the causes of those changes; together with the improvements which were given to them, so as to elevate the law into the rank of the sciences. He begins with the history of the law of nations in Europe as observed by the Greeks and Romaus. After having remarked, in general terms, the high eminence which they attained in arts and arms, he thus continues:

• One

'One thing however was wanting to the perfection which, had they possessed it, they would probably have acquired; and that, was the knowledge of the doctrines of a religion which, whatever may be its points of controversy, has had the uniform effect, wherever it has taken root, of producing a more equitable notion of things, and a milder system of manners.

'Accordingly, from the want of this great advantage, we may observe that the people in question, while they were in the first scale of eminence in almost all other respects, fell far short of their posterity in their ideas of the law we treat of. The want of a principle sufficiently binding in their schemes of morality, had a palpable effect upon their characters in private life; and, as might be expected, it transferred itself into the spirit of their law of nations. However, therefore, we may be accustomed to hear of their politeness, their arts, their refinements in elegance, or their know ledge of laws, we find, upon inquiry, that their politeness, while it sharpened their understandings, had no effect upon their hearts; that their refinements were for the most part sensual; and when we come to contemplate the general scope of their laws of war and pease they will be found too often to resemble the barbarians they despised.

observes that, with such morals and maxims, their law of nations must have been far different from that comparatively regular one of the Romans. These rules of right, far from checking their dreadful and murderous inclinations, were thomselves so warped and adapted to them, that they gave them fresh force.

He then gives the history of the law of nations in Europe, from the above period down to the eleventh century; and he afterwards pursues it to the 15th. He shews the influence of the feudal law, and afterwards that of chivalry, on the law of nations; and he points out the re gularity and improvements which it received from the institutions of chivalry: institutions, (he says,) which have long gone by, and faded before the general improvement of manners which time had brought on, In the ages however when they flourished, they were of essential consequence to the well being of the world, and as far as they went supplied the place of philosophy itself.'

A considerable portion of the work is employed in shewing the influence of Christianity, and the ecclesiastical establishments, on the law of nations.

Mr. Ward then proceeds to discuss the influence of treaties and conventions; and this we consider

With heaviest sound, a giant statue fell;' COLLINS.

and he draws an interesting, but frightful, picture of that calamitous time. After having given a succinct account of the maxims and morals of the northern nations, he

It is followed by an entertaining account of the rank and claims of the nations of Europe: but we do not find that he takes any notice of one of the most curious events in the history of the rank and precedence of the English nation, viz. the dispute for precedence between the French and English, at the

council

council of Constance. A short account of it may be found in L'En fant's history of that council; but the best relation of it is in the 8th vol. of Vanden Hardt's collections. If the author should publish a second edition of his work, which we think its merit makes highly probable, we hope he will give the particulars of this curious event in our diplontic history.

Mr. Ward now pursues his subject from the 15th to the 17th century, and concludes with the age of Grotius. He pronounces a high eulogium on the celebrated treatise, de Jure Belli et Paris, of that amiable man and universal scholar. He mentions Puffendorff with praise, and Vattel in terms of the greatest commendation: but he observes, in conclusion, that his treatise does not appear, by any means, to preclude the necessity of studying the works of his masters.

From the persual of this publication we have derived great pleasure. We think that it is written with method and clearness; that it is replete with various and extensive erudition; and that it bears through out unequivocal marks of industry and ability.

An Inquiry into the Duties of Man, in the higher and middle Classes of Society in Great Britain, resulting from their respective Stations, Professions, and Employments. By Thomas Gisborne, M. A. 4to.

has been objected to moral

principles repel a present and strong temptation? More modern authors have delivered their rules of ethics with a closer attention to practice, but they have usually comprehended too wide a range, and have described the general duties of man, while those of the different ranks and professions in society have been passed in silence. Indeed, to trace out minutely the different habits and obligations of all the different orders in civil life, might be too much to expect from an individual writer; it would be considered as sufficient, if he should explain clearly the par. ticular duties of that class of persons whose pursuits and avocations were allied to his own. Sorel, the historiographer of France, published, about the midde of the last century, in his "Bibliotheque François,' a long account of authors in the French language who have treated of the conduct of life in public, or of what are called the homiletical virtues; but it should seem that their precepts referred to behaviour rather than to morals, and were directed chiefly to the higher orders in society. This last observation applies to a very ingenious little pamphlet, entitled, "Thoughts on the Manners of the Great," of which elegance and force are its least recommendations; and which appears to have suggested the hint of the work before us. The author of this has indeed extended his plan over a much more ample and useful field of enquiry, and has rendered by it a very eminent service to his country and to mankind. That be

down to Puffendorff and Grotius, that their systems are too scientific and refined for the ordinary occurtences of life; for how shall abstract

correctly of the habits, pursuits, and occupations of the different ranks and professions into which the higher and middle classes of society are in

its country distributed, is owing, as he informs us in a short preface, to his having been favoured with the unreserved advice and animadversions of persons severally occupying the station, or belonging to the profession in question, and accustomed to consider its duties in a conscientious light.

The work is divided into fifteen chapters. The first contains the plan of the work; and in the course of this chapter the author gives his reasons why no part of the work has been appropriated to those who are placed in the lowest ranks of society. By them argumentative and bulky treatises of morality will not be read. The careful perusal of their Bible, and the study of short and familiar expositions of its precepts, aided by the public and private admonitions of their pastors, are to them the principal sources of instruction.The second chapter contains general remarks on the first principles of the British constitution. Chapter the third explains the duties of the sovereign. Chapter the fourth, the general duties of Englishmen, as subjects and fellow citizens. Chapter the fifth is on the duty of peers. Chapter the sixth is on those of members of the house of commons. Chapter the seventh treats on the duties of the executive officers of government. Chapter the eighth is on the duties of naval and military officers. Chapter the ninth on the duties of the legal profession. Chapter the tenth on those of justices of the peace and municipal magistrates. Chapter the eleventh on the duties of the clerical profession. Chapter the twelfth on the duties of physicians. Chapter the thirteenth on the duties of persons engaged in trade and

business. Chapter the fourteenth on the duties of private gentlemen. In the fifteenth and concluding chapter, considerations are submitted to persons who doubt or deny the truth of Christianity, or the necessity of a strict observance of all its precepts. In a work, the obvious intention of which is to be useful rather than amusing, much novelty ought not to be expected; we will, therefore, content ourselves with passing cursorily over the work, selecting such passages from each chapter, in its order, as shall appear to us most original or important.

Our author's observations, in the second chapter, on the privilege of voting for members of parliament,. are of this description:

"It is undoubtedly true, that a very large majority of the inhabitants of this kingdom has no elective voice in the appointment of the members of the house of commons; in other words, most of the people of Great Britain have no suffrage in the nomination of the persons who are to enact the laws by which nonelectors, in common with the rest of the nation, are to be governed. But the limited diffusion of the elective franchise cannot fairly be affirmed to be a breach of justice. The right of voting for a member of parliament is a public trust; it is as truly a civil office as the most conspicuous employment in the state; and, humble as it may seem, is a civil office of considerable impor tance. All public offices and trusts being constituted in this kingdom for the general good of the whole; it is just that they should be conferred on such political conditions as the general good may demand, and be devolved on those persons alone who possess the political qualifica