George Rex.

HIS majesty relying on the assurances which he has received from his faithful commons, of their determination to support his majesty in those exertions which are necessary under the present circumstances, recommends it to this house to consider of making pro. vision towards enabling his majesty to defray any extraordinary ex. pences which may be incurred for the service of the ensuing year, and to take such measures as the exigencies of affairs may require. His majesty, on this occasion, thinks proper to acquaint the house, that the crisis which was depending at the commencement of the present session, has led to such an order of things in France, as will induce his majesty, conformably to the sentiments which he has already declared, to meet any disposition for negotiation on the part of the enemy, and with an earnest desire to give it the fullest and speediest effect, and to conclude a

treaty for a general peace, whenever it can be effected on just and suitable terms for himself and his

allies.

It is his majesty's earnest wish, that the spirit and determination manifested by parliament, added to the recent and important successes of the Austrian armies, and to the continued and growing em barrassments of the enemy, may speedily conduce to the attainment of this object, on such grounds as the justice of the cause in which this country is engaged, and the situation of affairs, may entitle his majesty to expect.

Message from his Majesty to both Houses, Dec. 8, 1795. George Rex.

HIS majesty thinks proper to acquaint the house of commons, that a considerable division of ships, having on board foreign troops in the service of Great Bri. tain, having been dispersed and damaged while on their passage from the rivers Elbe and Weser to Spithead, the place of rendezvous appointed for the convoy under which it was intended they should be sent on foreign distant service, his majesty has found it unavoidably necessary to order the said troops to be disembarked, and to be stationed in barracks near Southampton, and in the isle of Wight; and at the same time has given directions, that they shall be re-embarked, and sent to the place of their destination, as soon as the transports necessary for their ac commodation and conveyance shall be in readiness to receive them, the necessary orders for that purpose having, by his majesty's command, been already given.

Protest

Protest of Lord Stanhope against our interfering in the internal Affairs of France, Jan. 6, 1795.

1st, BECAUSE the motion made for the house to adjourn, was professedly intended to get rid of the following resolution, viz. Resolved, that this country ought not, and will not, interfere in the internal affairs of France; and that it is expedient explicitly to declare the same."

2dly, Because I hold that it is contrary both to equity and policy for any foreign country to interfere in the internal affairs or constitution of the French republic, or of any other independent nation.

3dly, Because the government of Great Britain (not having been elected by the citizens of France) can have no more right to give to France a monarchical, or other form of government whatever, than the crowned despots of Prussia and of Russia had to overturn the free constitution of now unhappy Poland. 4thly, Because I heartily disapprove and reprobate the doctrine advanced by ministers in the debate; namely, that to restore the ancient and hereditary monarchy of France, no expence should be spared. And I reprobate that pernicious and uncivic doc. trine the more strongly, from it not having been suddenly, hastily or inconsiderately started, but from its having been taken up (as it was solemnly declared) upon the utmost deliberation.

5thly, Because I deem it to be an injustice committed by ministers towards my fellow-citizens, to adopt a principle which shall render it necessary for the government of Great Britain to lay farther heavy burdens upon the people,

and to tax their houses, their windows, their beds, their candles, their shoes, and many other con veniences, and the necessaries of life, in order to provide a fund to attempt the accomplishment of such a wicked purpose as afore said.

6thly, Because the proposed resolution above stated was intended by me as a solemn pledge that the government of this nation would not interfere in the internal af fairs of France; but the refusal of the house to give such a pledge, tends to shut the door to peace, and consequently tends to ensure the ruin of this manufacturing, commercial, and once happy country; particularly considering the increased, and rapidly increasing, strength of the navy of the French republic, independently of the prospect there is of their having the navies of Holland and Spain under their immediate influence.

7thly, Because the public funds, the paper currency, and the public and private credit of this country, will probably be unequal to stand against the tremendous shock to which ministers will now expose them.

8thly, Because I think that frankness, fairness, humanity, and the principles of honesty, and of justice, are always in the end, the best policy: and I believe it to be true, in regard to nations (as well as with respect to individuals), that "nothing that is not just can be wise, or likely to be ultimately prosperous."

9thly, Because I lament the more, that the house should refuse to disclaim the interfering in the internal constitution of France, ina asmuch as by the new constitution

of

of the French republic, one and indivisible, adopted by the present national convention, on the 23d of June, 1793, and under the title of the relation of the French republic with foreign nations," and by the articles 118 and 119 of that constitution, it is declared and enacted, that

"The French people is the "friend and natural ally of every

free nation. It does not inter. "fere with the government of "other nations; it does not suffer

that other nations should interfere with its own."

So frank, so fair, and so explicit a declaration on their part, did, in my opinion, entitle them to a better species of return.

1othly, Because I conceive that a true republican form of government, being firmly established in France, is much more safe for the liberties of the people of Great Britain, than the tyrannical, capricious, perfidious, secret, intriguing, and restless ancient monachy of France; or than any other monarchy they could there establish but even if I were of a direct op. posite way of thinking, I would not be guilty of the gross injustice of attempting to force a monarchy upon them contrary to their incli

nation.

Itthly, Because I think that no war ought to be continued, that can, by a proper line of moderation, be avoided; and the more especially with respect to the French people, who, by their republican exertions, republican en thusiasm, and republican courage, have made victory the almost constant "order of the day."

12thly, Because the continuing of such a bloody contest, without

necessity, appears to me to be a profane tempting of Divine Providence, in whose benign and almighty hands the fate of battles and of empires is placed.

13thly, Because I wish to wash my hands entirely of all the innocent blood that may be shed in this war with France, of all the carnage which may take place, and of all the destruction, confusion, and devastation (perhaps in Great Britain itself) which may ensue.

14thly, Because it was my object to preclude the government of Great Britain from attempting to stir up, or excite insurrections in La Vendée, or any other department of the French republic; and the resolution I moved was well calculated for that purpose.

And, 15thly, Because the maxim of" do not to others that which you would not wish done to your self," is an unerring rule founded upon the clear principle of justice, that is to say, of equality of rights. It is upon that strong and solid ground that I make my stand; and all public men, in order to merit the confidence of the British people, must shew their determination to act with frankness, and with unequivocal good faith and justice, towards the French republic.

Having upon this most import. ant and momentous subject, frequently stood alone, and having also been, upon this last occasion, totally unsupported in the division, if I should therefore cease, at present, to attend this house (where I have been placed by the mere accident of birth), such of my fellow-citizens as are friends to freedom, and who may chance to read this my solemn protest, will find that I have not altered my senti

ments

ments or opinions, and that I have not changed any of my principles; for my principles never can be changed.

And those fellow-citizens will also find, that I hereby pledge myself to my country, that I shall continue, what I ever have been, a zealous and unshaken friend to peace, to justice, and to liberty, political, civil, and religious; and that I am determined to die (as I have lived) a firm and steady supporter of the unalienable rights and of the happiness of all mankind.

STANHOPE.

Protest against the Act for further suspending the Habeas Corpus Act, Feb. 3, 1795.

1st, BECAUSE, whatever pretence there may have existed in the last session of parliament for suspending the habeas corpus act, that pretence is now removed; the partial ex parte examination of the committees of parliament hav. ing been refuted by the verdicts of juries, who, with labour unexampled in legal annals in this country, after duly weighing the evidence on both sides, acquitted the persons indicted for a treasonable conspiracy.

2dly, Because intentions hostile to the constitution being entertained by persons, few in number, and devoid of weight and consequence in the country, do not justify the depriving all the people of Great Britain of that security which our laws so anxiously provide for personal liberty.

3dly, Because we find, that as soon as these plots and conspira. cies (which have heretofore caused

the suspension of the people's right to their habeas corpus) had been dealt with according to law, and that the conspirators had been convicted and punished, the danger being over, the suspension had dropped. In the same manner, when the proved innocence of the accused have negatived the supposed conspiracy, and when it is not even pretended that any new or other plot exists, to continue to suspend this great and essential safeguard of our kingdom, is equally contrary to the example set us by our ancestors, and inconsistent with that protection which, as legislators, we are bound to afford to the personal security of all our fel. low-subjects.

4thly, Because we consider that the national spirit of English freedom, to which was owing the high place that we once held amid sur rounding nations, is either checked or deadened by causeless acts of despotism; or that the disgust ne cessarily generated by such a conduct is likely (if any thing can produce such an effect upon this free and enlightened nation), to raise a spirit of disaffection even to the constitution itself.

5thly, Because when we trace the history of the habeas corpus act, we find, among other securities from oppression, it was chiefly meant to ensure to the subject a speedy trial, when accused of treason or treasonable practices, and to avert the tyranny of tedious imprisonment for those crimes. We conceive, therefore, that if the legis lature is, upon all occasions of suspicion of traiterous acts, to suspend the operation of that most important and invaluable statute, security to the subject must be re

Protest against the Rejection of the Motion for treating with France, Feb. 12, 1795.

BECAUSE we conceive the repeated declarations made in the name of the king, and the resolu. tions come to by this house, are, as they now stand, an effectual bar to all negotiation with the present government of France, which can alone be removed by a resolution of a similar nature to that avoided by the previous question, and which is become the more necessary, from the declaration of his majesty's mi. nisters in debate—that the government of France is of such a character as to preclude the possibility of treating, so long as they shall continue to act on their present principles: a declaration which we conceive to convey little less than a determination to carry on the war upon such principles that it can alone be terminated by the destruction of one or both of the nations.

BEDFORD,

: LAUDERDALE, BUCKINGHAMSHIRE, GUILDEORD.

Protest against the Rejection of the Motion for investigating the Cause

of Lord Fitzwilliam's Recal, May 8, 1795

Ist, BECAUSE the removal, in the midst of a session of parliament, of such an officer of the crown as a lord-lieutenant of Ireland, the immediate and sole representative of majesty in that kingdom, under the circumstances, is singular, perhaps unprecedented. The effects of that bold and unusual measure, espe cially in the present critical state of affairs, cannot be indifferent. It is a fact notorious, and not contra. dicted, that the house of lords and the house of commons in that king. dom, did, at the moment of his recal, directly and explicitly, in a solemn vote and resolution of each house, declare their confidence in the lord-lieutenant. equally notorious, and equally uncontradicted, that these votes of confidence from both houses of the Irish parliament were in perfect conformity to the opinions and wishes of all descriptions of the people of that nation.

It is a fact

zdly, Because a strong charge of malversation in office, supported by clear proof or strong presumption, ought to be produced, to weigh against those solemn testimonies of a parliament, and those declared opinions of a people, and to justify a proceeding, the inevitable tendency of which is to produce dissatisfaction and discord amongst his majesty's subjects in that kingdom. That the proceeding itself is within the prerogative there is no doubt; but there is no doubt also that this house is competent to an inquiry into all advice given to the crown, with regard to the use of that prerogative: and that it is its duty to make such inquiry in any event by