cur in making every necessary pro. vision in a constitutional manner. Ministry justified the measure, as proceeding from absolute and im mediate necessity. Troops, when encamped, were usually furnished with bread at a reduced price, on the principle that government could provide it at a cheaper rate than soldiers could buy it: from the same motive they now were also found in meat, by an additional allow. ance of money to purchase it.

It was replied, by Mr. Fox, that without entering into minute and embarrassing discussions, it was clear that, while parliament was sitting, no additional pay could be granted to the army, without the consent of both houses: no objećtion lay to the grant itself, but to the slight put upon the legislature, by not apply. ing for its assent.

Mr. Pitt exculpated ministry, by representing the relief given to the soldiery, as temporary, and arising wholly from the circumstances of the moment: it would of course, he doubted not, be sanctioned by par`liament, though it had not yet been communicated regularly to the house, the estimates of the expence not having been ascertained. Were an augmentation of pay to be form. ally voted, it would become per. manent; whereas the present mode of relief making it only occasional, it would cease with the necessity from which it arose.

The motion was warmly support ed, by generals Smith and Tarleton, Mr. Martin, and Mr. Robinson. Royal bounties of this nature, it was observed by general Tarleton, were inauspicious omens to the liberties of a people. The present measure would cost little less than a million: but, what was of greater

importance, it was a link of that chain intended for the enslavement of the nation. The greatness of the sum was, in the opinion of Mr. Grey, of no importance, when compared with the introduction of so dangerous a principle, and precedent, as that of taking the people's money without consulting their representatives, who certainly might have been applied to, by a general communication of the measure, without particularizing the amount of what might be required for the purposes proposed. Mr. Francis was remarkably zealous in his opposition to the measure: no principle, he observed, was clearer in the English constitution, and especially in the formation of the house of commons, than its exclusive dis posal of the nation's money the crown had not the most distant right to participate in this preroga tive; much less was it entitled, from its sole authority, to distri bute largesses to the army. This was not only an usurpation of the rights of parliament, but a violation of them for the worst purposes; those of alienating the attachment of the military from the parliament, and transferring it to the crown, as the source from whence bounties and donations were to flow. It had been much insisted on, that ministers would subsequently obtain the approbation of parliament; but admitting the supposition, that this approbation were refused, what must the consequence prove to the parliament, but hatred, and perhaps violence, from an enraged military; and an implicit devotion and subserviency, ever after, to the will of the crown? Whatever the minister might allege, of the approval given to preceding measures of this kind, [P4]

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no other proof of it appeared, than the consent of the house to defray the expences incurred; but this could not strictly be deemed an act of choice: the consciousness of the danger that would result from a refusal, might as probably have made it a matter of necessity. The debate continued some time, with equal warmth on the side of ministry and opposition, and concluded by sir W. Pulteney's moving the previous question, which was carried by sixty-seven against twenty-three.

Some days after this debate, an attempt was made, in the lower house, to represent the conduct of sir Charles Grey, and sir John Jervis, in the West Indies, as deserving of the highest censure; but after an altercation between their accusers and justifiers, which was carried on with great acrimony, the result was, that they were cleared of the charges brought against them, and the thanks voted to them, in the preceding session, for their services, were confirmed.

This decision was followed, on the 11th of June, by one very remark. able, in favour of the merchants concerned in the trade to Grenada and St. Vincent. A petition presented on their behalf, by lord Sheffield, stated, that, in consequence of the troubles and devastations in those two islands, they were reduced to great difficulties and distresses, and disabled from maintaining their com merce and credit, unless they were favoured with timely assistance from government. He enforced the propriety of their petition, by the salutary effects that had attended the seasonable relief given to a number of respectable merchants in London, and in other commercial cities, two years before,

He was zealously seconded by Mr. Pitt, who contended with great force of argument, for the propriety of supporting effectually the inercantile interest of the kingdom, on those emergencies where it was visibly connected with the prospe rity of the state, and their losses were occasioned by those public caiami. ties, which they could neither fore. see nor avoid. The connexions between this country and the West Indies were of such importance, and the returns of trade often so fluctuating and so tardy, that it was necessary for government to afford them relief occasionally.

Mr. Fox disapproved of the pe tition, as involving public and pri vate concerns in too close and dan. gerous a manner, and tending to create an influence over the great commercial body, that would place it on the most abject dependence on ministers. Hence they would be, come the invariable supporters of all governments, good or bad, in expectation of assistance from them in all pecuniary difficulties. Of the many innovations lately introduced, this was one of the most dangerous and alarming; it would reduce a class of people, hitherto remarkable for their independent spirit, to a situation of subserviency that would necessarily destroy all their former importance, and subject them entirely to the direction and manage. ment of all future administrations. Nor would it be less pernicious in another light, by lessening the exertions of individuals in the mercantile line they would certainly re. mit of their anxiety and cares, when they reflected, that in those perilous occurrences to which traders are peculiarly liable, they might rely upon government for certain relief.

Mr.

Mr. Dundas supported the retition, as equally founded on the just claims of the petitioners, and the propriety of supporting a branch of commerce of the highest necessity to this kingdom, in its present situa. tion. He dwelt, with much animation, upon the ability of this country to extend its aid to every description of people that needed it: an energy, he observed, of which no other government in Europe was capable. Agreeably to the petition, the sum of one million and a half was granted to the merchants that had requested it.

On the 16th of June, Mr. Dundas had another occasion of coming forward, by laying before the house his annual statement of the EastIndia company's affairs: according to his report, they were, in March 1795, bettered by one million four hundred and twelve thousand pounds. He noticed, that notwithstanding the discouragements and obstructions arising from the war, and while the European markets were shut against them, their sales were more extensive than ever., He delivered it, at the same time, as his opinion, that it would be for the interest of Great Britain, to open the trade of India to ali na. tions: he also proposed a variety of regulations, in favour of the officers in the military service of the company. His statements were controverted, but passed together with his proposals.

One of the most remarkable transactions that took place during the parliamentary session of this year, was the marriage of the prince of Wales to the princess Caroline of Brunswick; and the settlement of his revenue, and other pecuniary affairs: his nuptials were cele

brated on the 8th of April; and, on the 27th, a message was delivered from the king, to the house of com. mons, recommending the settle ment of an income on the prince, suitable to his present circum. stances; and stating the necessity of relieving him from his incum brances, and of making such ar rangements, in respect to his do mestic expences, as should obviate all embarrassments in future. The means proposed for effecting these purposes, were to appropriate to them a part of the income to be settled upon him, together with the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall,

In consequence of this message, a motion was made, by Mr. Pitt, to take it into consideration: colonel Stanley observed, that parliament having already paid the debts of the prince, it was proper that a call of the house should precede any farther grants of this nature. Mr. Pitt opposed this proposal, as un. necessary; the king's intention not being to require a sum sufficient to discharge at once the whole debt, but only to enable the prince to pay it off gradually: he then en, larged on the propriety of making an adequate provision for the splen dor that ought to attend the heir apparent of the British crown; re. marking, at the same time, that the allowance, which would now be asked for, was comparatively smaller than that which had been formerly settled on the prince's grandfather; the expences of all denominations being so much more considerable at the present period, as to render a much larger sum of money of far less value, in reality, than at the former,

This application, in behalf of the prince, excited great dissatisfaction

in the house.

Mr. Sumner ob. served, that before it proceeded any farther in his business, it ought to be informed in what manner their preceding grant had been applied; and Mr. Curwen reminded the house, that one of the leading causes of the French revolution was the prodigality of the princes of the royal family.

After stating the amount of the prince's debts, and urging the indispensable necessity of discharging them, Mr. Pitt informed the house, of the insufficiency of the civil list to defray so heavy a charge: he warned the members to beware of warmth on this occasion, and to reflect, that the safety of the nation depending on the preservation of a hereditary monarchy, the honour and credit of the royal family ought to be anxiously consulted. To this Mr. Martin replied, that the surest method of maintaining the mo. narchy was to prevent it from becoming oppressive to the nation.

On the resumption of this business, the 14th of May, Mr. Hussey proposed to have resource to the crown-lands, as a proper fund on this occurrence: their annual pro. duce did not exceed six thousand pounds; but might with due ma. nagement, be carried to four hundred thousand. But his proposal was negatived; and Mr. Pitt pro. ceeded to call the attention of the house to the propriety of making, without unnecessary delay, a settle. ment of an adequate income for the prince, and of a jointure for the princess. One hundred thou. sand pounds, eighty years ago, con. stituted the whole revenue of his great grandfather, George II, then prince of Wales; and the income of his grandfather, thirty years af.

ter, amounted to the like sum, ex. clusive of the duchy of Cornwall, computed at thirteen thousand pounds annually. The diminished value of money required a larger allowance; and the least that the prince had a right to expect was a hundred and forty thousand pounds, including the duchy of Cornwall. The marriage expences, he stated, at twenty-eight thousand pounds, the completing of Carlton-house, at twenty-six thousand, and the jointure of the princess at fifty thousand a year. He would leave it to the house to decide on the best manner of liquidating the prince's debts, which he calculated at six hundred and thirty thousand pounds, advis. ing, at the same time to consult on the business in a secret committee, as being the most expeditious method. His opinion was, that twenty-five thousand pounds ought yearly to be appropriated to the extinguishing of the debts, and set apart from the prince's income for that sole purpose: by such a regulation, they would be paid off in the course of twenty-seven years. In case of his demise before the expiration of that period, that sum would be annually charged on the succession; but were a demise of the crown and of the prince to happen within that period, the charge would be laid on the consolidated fund. In order to ob. viate the incurring of farther debts, no arrears should be suffered to go beyond the quarter, and no claims, after its expiration admitted; and all suits for recovery of debts due by the prince should lie against his officers only.

Mr. Grey professed himselfequally desirous to support the splendour of the royal family, with Mr. Pitt, or any slippery sycophant of a court,

The

The prince was doubtless entitled to a proper establishment; but there would be more dignity in declining than in requiring an expensive one. In times of public distress, such as the present, was it prudent to con. tinue the shameful profusion of less unhappy times; and would the legislature countenance that prodigal spirit which had brought the country and the constitution into such imminent danger, by destroying the independence of people of fortune, and exposing them to the controul of the court, and the contempt of the people? The revenue of the king's father was limited, for years after his marriage, to fifty thousand pounds, and he did not apply to parliament for the payment of his debts. He would not oppose the granting of an establish ment to the prince, equal to that of his ancestors; but neither would he consent to the payment of his debts by parliament. Other means ought to be resorted to than the liberality of the nation, which would be very ill-timed in a season of so much difficulty and pressure, and no less ill-applied, when the manner of contracting the debts was duly con. sidered. A refusal to liberate him from his embarrassments would certainly prove a mortification; but it would, at the same time, awaken a just sense of his imprudence. In the mean time, his creditors, when no longer presuming on the facility of parliament, and deprived of expectations from the public purse, would readily come to a composition; which would leave the prince in possession of a sufficiency to support his station becomingly. He concluded by moving, that in lieu of sixty-five thousand pounds, proposed by Mr. Pitt, an addition

of forty thousand should be voted to the prince's revenue.

Mr. Grey's motion was warmly seconded by several members, and opposed in the same manner by others. Mr. Lambton in particular, observed, that to refuse the payment of the prince's debts were, to compel him to retire to a privacy of life, and cut off his intercourse with those various parts of society, with which it was indispensable that he should preserve the amplest cammunication. When his former debts were paid, it clearly appeared, that it would be difficult for him to limit his expences to less than one hun. dred thousand pounds. Had his revenue then been carried to that extent, the inconveniences to which he was now reduced, would possibly have been avoided.

A minute investigation of the cir cumstances attending the establishments of the prince of Wales, since the accession of the Brunswick fa. mily, was brought forward, on this occasion, by Mr. Fox. He made it appear, that they were matters of party, and varied according to the footing on which they stood with ministers. This might, in some measure, be applied to the business before the house. He would not be directed by personal motives in a case of this nature; but from a con. viction that a liberal support was necessary, would vote for the allow. ance moved for by the minister, provided that requisite precautions were taken to obviate the repeti. tion of a similar application. He thought, however, that a contribu tion from the civil list ought to have come in aid in such an occurrence as the present. Queen Anne, and the two first sovereigns of the house of Brunswick, had set a laudable

example