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against Alvinzi, who was at the tead of a numerous army, and had obtained some successes over the French, which had revived the hopes of the Austrians, and their adherents. But the battle of Arcola, wherein these were completely defeated, and the subsequent advantages gained by the French, made, at last, such an impression on the court of Rome, that, dreading to wait any longer for more fortunate events, the cardinal was directed to return an answer. This came to pass after the lapse of six weeks from the receipt of the general's letter. The motive for this delay being obvious, it was necessary to qualify it, so as to soften his displeasure at an answer being so long deferred. The cardinal laid before the general the anxiety of the pope to remedy the disorders that had so long distracted France, and the sacrifices he had consented to make of every worldly consideration, for the sake of restoring a good understanding between France and the Roman see. He complained that, not satisfied with these concessions, the French government,elated with the success of its arms, had made requi sitions incompatible with the dictates of his conscience, and sub. versive of all christian and moral principles. Grieved at such intolerable demands, he had implored the assistance of heaven, to direct him how to act in so difficult a situation. Doubtless, said the cardinal, he was inspired, on this occason, by that holy spirit which had animated the primitive martyrs in the cause for which they suffered. Having laboured, in vain, to bring the directory to a more equitable way of thinking, he thought it necessary to resist them by open

force. He admonished the general to reflect, that the death which awaited men in battle was the commencement of eternal life and happiness to the righteous, and of everlasting misery to th wicked. Armed with this conviction, said the car. dinal, we shall oppose you with that confidence in the divine aid, which a just cause inspires. He reminde him that he was not invincible, and though infidels and pretended philosophers ridiculed the idea of assistance from heaven, yet, if Providence were pleased to interpose, the French would contend in vain against the power of the Almighty. He concluded, by telling the general, that if the French were desirous of peace, the Roman see desired it still more, and was willing to subscribe to any terms, conscientious and equitable, in order to obtain it.

Such was the purport of this remarkable letter, which, to speak truth, was written at a time, when the reasonings it contained were little calculated to influence the proceedings of such a people as the French. Nor did the court of Vienna itself testify much willingness to be connected with a power whose co-operations were likely to prove so feeble. But the solicitations of the court of Rome were so pressing, that the Imperial ministers, unwilling wholly to abandon the holy see to the controul of France, consented to join a body of troops to those that were now raising in every part of the papal dominions.

In this dereliction of the pope, the most fervent of his former adherents seemed, at this period, to agree without reluctance. So efficacious was either the dread, or the influence of France over the

councils

councils of Spain. that not withstanding the earnest sucation of the archbishop of Piri, nuncio, at Madrid, for the in rerence of the Spanish monarch, in behalf of the Roman pontiff he was answer d, that the conduct of the court of Rome, respecting the Trench, w48 temporising and insince. 2, and that those who were entrusted with the administration of its political concerns, had, by their imprudent and erroneous margen eat, brought them into so critical a situation, that it seemed adviseable, for the preservation of the personal safety of the pope, that he should resn his temporal dominio 3, in order to secure the rights of the church, and to prove his disinterestedness, and the fervour of his piety, by an example that would prove so edifying to all the christian world. Such was the answer of the prince of peace, the Spanish minister's title, to the agent of a power that had formerly exercised an almost boundless influence over the minds of both the sovereign and people of the Spanish monarchy.

This taunting and disdainful reply to an humble and submissive address from a sovereign prince, who, though not powerful,still possessed a station of great dignity in Christendom, was considered equal ly by the Roman cutholics and protestants as even more impolitic than insulting. It was disgraceful to a prince of the Romish communion, and it yielded up tamely, and with out need, the dominion of a very considerable portion of Italy, to a power which all Europe was become more interested than ever, in restraining within its former liets. The period when this transaction happened, which was the close of

September, 176 shewed, at the same time, from whence it origi-, nated. Saia hd, a month befor, corluded an alliance, offen-. sive and easy, with France, and a week after it declared war egains Eug. d. But the truth was, that Spai was. Langer its own mistress. I dant of Fea left of its for or

as come a depna. had so little spirit and consequence, that it not dere to act otherwise than by the impulse of the French, who now directed the Spanish councils with a fuil conscious13 of darecisted sway.

The sitation of the Roman see ད་ in the mean time, peculiarly difficult. That spiritu i power, t had so long exerted over kings and nations, was totally vanished. Cunning and art fice were almost the only instruments of the smallest importance remaining to it, even among the princes and states of its own persuasion; but even this was daily lessening, from the diminution of those religious conilerations on which it was founde. The prin cipal motive, therefore, for not suffering the downfal of the pope, had no reference to his spiritual, but merely to his political, character; which rendered it highly expedient to prevent the papal territories from being made the prey of the French, or of their adherents.

The court of Rome itself relied hardly upon any other motives for the assistance it so warinly sub-cited from that of Vienna. This evidently appeared from a lett, ritten by cardinal Basso, the Roman secretary of state to the papai nun

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and which was intercepted, and seat by Baoan arte to the directory. Huin all the

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arguments and reasonings are built on maxims of policy, and those of religion appear in a collateral light, and chiefly as of an engine of state.

From this letter, which was dated the seventh of January, 1797, Buonaparte deduced, however, the propriety of proceeding immediately to action against the pope, lest the Austrian ministry should adop the plan suggested in that letter, and send such powerful succours, over the Adriatic to Ancona, as might enable the pope to make a vigorous resistance.

But it was not only among the French that the Roman see ind enemies In Rome i seif they were numerous. Republican principles had silently, but ellectually, been propagated there, and through other parts of the ecclesiasti al stite. a multitudes were impatiently waiting the opportunity of throwing off their subjection to he pope, and of erecting a commonwepth. EnconFagements, tending to this end, were studiously held out to the people of that capital, and of the Roman domains, by the French em'ssaries scattered among them. Thus the court of Rome had to guard against enemies no less hostile to it than the French themselves, and, in some respects, more dangerous, as t.ty were domestic, and would oppose all conciliation with France, as miHitating directly against their own designs.

In addition to these te woe many among those why eatinned ebedient to the papal authority, and were averse to a change of government, who scrupled not openly, to disapprove the tardiness in coming to a pacification with the French; whomit were, in their opi

nion, absurd to oppose in the debilitated state of the papal power, and from whom friendly conditions might be obtained, if they were applied to with frankness and candour, and if the intrigues hitherto carried on with their enemies were unfeignedly laid aside

Those who favoured this party, which was the most numerous, filled Rome with pasquina les and satires on the conduct of administration, which they represented 26 contrary to the true interess of the Roman gee, and tending to its inevitable rai. The present pope being the gh of the name of Pins, they apel to him what had formerly beard of Alexarder the sixth, wel. was, that every sovereiga of Karms, who had borre the nange of Scatus, had constantly occasionedits rain.

Remonstrances of the inutility and peril of encountering such formidable enemies as he French, with undisc plined troops and inexperienced officers, were auxiously laid before the Roman government, by its most p udent weilwishers au lenforced by the ministers of taose powers that were desirous of its pretion. But whe. ther it conf. 54 in a change of fortume, in favour of its Austrian aity or to it it hoped, by assing an appence of resolution, and being secoaded by awerful body of auraries, the French might be indeca to grant better terms, it obstely persisted in the determination to try the chance of war, rather than submit to the hard conditions prescribed by the French.

Buonaparte, who had hitherto entertained an expectation, that the terror of the French arms might at last operate a submission in the court

of

of Rome, now finally resolved to employ hostile measures. He or dered Cacault, the envoy of the republic at Rome, to quit that city, and issued a manifesto against the pope, wherein he charged him with the breach of the armistice that had taken place in the month of June preceding; notwithstanding which he had still persevered in acting an hostile part to France, by exciting against it the hatred of his own people, and of all over whom he possessed influence, by arming his subjects, with a professed design to commit hostilities, by negociating with the court of Vienna, and putting his troops under the command of Austrian officers and generals, and lastly by refusing the negociation for peace, proposed by the minister of the republic at Rome.

This manifesto was accompanied by a proclamation to the people inhabiting the papal dominions. They were informed that the French, in entering the territories of the pope, would faithfully protect religion and property, and maintain the public peace. They were warned to abstain from all acts of enmity, which would certainly draw down upon them vengeance and all the horrors of war. Every town and village that sounded the tocsin, on the approach of the French, was threatened with instant destruction. Every district, where a Frenchman was assassinated, should be declared hostile, and subjected to heavy contributions. The clergy and conventuals, who demeaned themselves peaceably, would enjoy the benefits of their present situations; but, if they acted otherwise, military law would be executed upon then, and they would be treated with more severity than others. Both of

these declarations were published on the third of February, the day after the surrender of Mantua, and had been delayed till this event, purposely to make the greater impression.

A division of the French army, commanded by general Victor, had entered the papal territories on the first. A body of the pope's troops, consisting of four thousand foot, and about a thousand horse, awaited his approach on advantageous ground. The Senio, a river that runs between Imola and Faenza, was in the front of the camp, which was strongly intrenched. Early in the morning of the second of February, the French advanced towards a bridge opposite to the centre of their front. It was the only one remaining, as the enemy had broken down all the others, in order to have only this one to defend. But the dryness of the season had rendered that river fordable in several places, at which large detachments of the French crossed over it, and came upon their rear, while their front was vigorously attacked by the legion of Lombardy, consisting of northern Italians, whose antipathy to the southern is remarkable. They had requested to be put upon this service; and, though it was the first time they were in action, they acquitted themselves with great valour. They broke the line of the papal army, and carried the batteries opposed to them, at the point of the bayonet. Pressed in this manner, both in front and rear, the pope's troops, after a defence by no means contemptible, for men so unused to tactics, were completely routed. Five hundred were slain and wounded, and about a thousand made prisoners, and fourteen pieces of cannon taken. The

loss

loss of the French did not exceed one hundred.

This engagement decided the fate of Rome the victors proceeded immediately to Faenza, the inhabitants of which attempted to make a resistance: but the gates being burst open, by cannon, the French rushed in, and the city surrendered at discretion. Buonaparte prevented all plunder and bloodshed, and dismissed fifty of his most considerable prisoners, ordering them to repair to their countrymen, and represent to them the folly of exposing themselves to certain destruction, by a fruitless resistance. He next summoned before him all the priests and monks in the neighbourhood, and laid before them the necessity of yielding to superior force, and the iniquity of exciting the animosity of the people against the French, who did not come to destroy their religion, but to compel the court of Rome to make a peace with France upon reasonable terms. He required them, as ministers of the gospel, to desist from preaching war, and to attend solely to the duties of their profession, which was to infuse a pacific disposition into all men. He lastly warned them to beware of participating in popular insurrections, either by heading them personally, or by giving them countenance. These were acts of criminality for which be solemnly assured them they would find no mercy. These admonitions were, by the French commander, deemed the more necessary, that several clergymen and friers had been present at the action of the second of February, on the Senio, where they greatly contributed, by their encouragements and exhortations, to the resistance and firm behaviour of the

papal troops, and where some of them had lost their lives.

After delivering this charge to the clergy of the places in his possession, he dispatched the chiefs of the monastic orders to those towns and districts, where they had most influence, in order to prevail upon them to remain quiet, on the solemn assurance of being left the full enjoyment of every civil and religious right; but, if refractory, on pain of being delivered up to pillage and the severest chastisement.

This charge, from a military monitor, was found more efficacious than the usual charges of bishops to the clergy. The promises and threats of Buonaparte produced the intended effect. This was to procure the submission of the subjects to the see of Rome, without effusion of blood. Being himself an Italian, he was peculiarly solicitous to obtain a character of hu→ manity among his countrymen, and to appear, at the same time, the, protector of their laws and religious establishments. He completely succeeded in both of these intentions: and though executing the orders of the directory, at the head of an army of Frenchmen, a people long odious to the Italians, he conducted himself with so much prudence and circumspection, as to command the respect and esteem of the latter, without losing any of the attachment and confidence of the former.

In the mean time, he proceeded without delay in the reduction of the papal dominions. A few days were sufficient to take possession of the provinces of Romagna, Urbino, and Ancona, the best countries remaining to the pope. The city of Ancona had made some preparations

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