all! To secure this dynasty we signed a compact, called 'The Compact of Family,' which for a certainty cost us America. Its favourites engendered wars like the War of Independence, its greed gave us years tormentous and horrible, like those of Ferdinand VII., and the question whether a Prince or a Princess of this family should succeed to the throne lit up the fires of civil war, which licked up the riches of a century and the blood of 300,000 Spaniards! What has been the fate of this family? Where are the French descendants of Henry IV.? In exile! He who had been anointed by the hand of the Church was struck down by the hand of the assassin! Where are the Italian descendants of Charles V.? In exile! Even now they pass amid the ruins of Rome like the ignis fatuus in the cemeteries and by the tombs ! Where are the Spanish descendants of Felipe V.? In exile! Many times I have figured him passing through the marble palaces of Versailles, and I have asked myself, if he could see that temple of his dynasty in the hands of a foreigner, of a plebeian, of a Corsican, would he be convinced how times change and the human spirit becomes transformed? What does all this say-this, which has had the splendours of history and the elegies of art, but which has passed away? Do events come of themselves, and of the will of men? Certainly not. As, when we see the splendours of nature, we think on God, so, when we see the grand catastrophies of history, we see the providence of God. What does it all mean? It means that the prestige of monarchy is dead in Spain. It is the same, gentlemen, as if the Koran died in Mecca. Yet you have employed all your forces-all these wars, all these circulars, all these disarmaments, all these illegalities, and covered all with blood -for what? In the vain effort to restore the monarchical prestige which has died. And under what name do you seek to restore it? The Duke of Genoa! I scarcely could have believed you were so demented. There is not one monarchy-even those which have most fugitively passed over our century-which has not had some reason for its existence. The monarchy of the Bourbons in France had tradition. Where are the traditions of the Duke of Genoa ? The monarchy of Napoleon had the prestige of glory. Where are the glories of the Duke of Genoa? Where are his Marengo, his passage of the Alps, his fabulous return from Egypt, after having his name transfigured in Tabor, and written by the rays of the sun of the desert in the Pyramids.

"What signifies the monarchy of Victor Emmanuel himself? At one time it did signify something,-it signified the unity and the independence of Italy; but now it signifies nothing, for they are lost! We of Spain need no foreign king for our unity and our independence. Our forefathers raised them in spite of foreign kings! What are the records of the family of the Duke of Genoa in Spain? Traverse the soil of the country, and stop when you come to Cadiz, -Cadiz, the ancient asylum of our liberties, the cradle of our Revolution. See the bones of the Liberals which even yet bleach in

the Trocadero, and the bombs which are even yet visible on the shore, and say, 'These bombs thy grandfather threw upon Cadiz, to restore the infamous authority of Ferdinand VII. and the horrible power of the absolute monarchy!' But, gentlemen, what a curious coincidence it would be if the will of the first Bourbon should be fulfilled in the Revolution of September! When the peace of Utrecht approached, when Louis XIV. desired to satisfy Europe, then united against him-for Europe would never tolerate the Crowns of France and Spain being on one head, for it would have been the restoration of the Roman Empire and the death of the nationalities— when Ferdinand V. found himself in the midst of these anxieties, he made a will, in which he provided that in the event of his family being extinguished, the throne of Spain should pass to the second branch of the family of Savoy, the branch of the Carignanos, and to its legitimate representative, Prince Tomas. Why did he name him? Simply because he belonged to the House of Savoy! Gentlemen, what adaptation for Spain has the family of Savoy? What can it invoke for the Revolution of September? A feudal family, like that of the Duke of Borgoña, has done nothing but disturb France, Switzerland, and Italy, the three martyr lands of liberty. Geneva even yet preserves the marks of the wounds opened by this theocratic family, who have tried a thousand times to suffocate religious truth with their inquisitors and executioners! Savoy, now in its poverty and its ignorance, has been delivered by the chief of this family to a foreign Prince! Savoy is proclaiming that the policy of this family is nothing different from the policy of the Bourbons and the Austrians. The founder of this throne, Victor Amadeo II., is the most faithful mirror of royal tyranny. He asked Louis XIV. for the hand of one of his princesses, and then he abandoned his patron for the Elector of Bavaria and for William of Orange, the enemies of Louis XIV. Taking the command of the Sardinian-Austrian army, he sold it to Louis XIV. He intrigued with Louis XIV. to obtain a piece of our Crown from the coffin of Charles II., and then passed over to the Allies. In 1705 he had not an inch of land; in 1713 he had recovered every thing. Of him truly one might use the words of Tacitus, omnia pro dominatione serviliter. And even to-day the dynasty of Savoy is ungrateful to liberty. The obscure gallo-cisalpine Victor Emmanuel has mounted the throne of Italy, thanks to the propaganda of Mazzini and the sword of Garibaldi. It is said he represents the unity of Italy, but between the unity of Italy and his throne is the Pope of Rome. It is said he represents the independence of Italy, and between his throne and the independence of Italy is the Cæsar of France. He has impoverished Italy, he has enslaved the press. He has degraded the right of public meeting with the presence of spies. He has the patriots of Marsala in the prisons, the same as in the times of the Austrians. And yet, representing all this, and being on the eve of a coup d'état, now, at this moment, you ask from him a boy, educated in his policy, and you will give to this boy, as a plaything,

the Crown of Spain, and you will bring him here to renew the same errors and to commit the same offences against democracy and liberty!"

Señor Castelar declared that the policy of the Ministry was a 'policy of enigmas," and concluded his speech, which was received with loud applause, in the following words:

"Save us, in the interest of all, from this enigmatical policythis policy of illegality. If you wish the people to obey you, you must yourselves obey the law. My friends and myself are resolved to contribute as much as we can to a normal epoch of order and peace. We don't wish a pessimista policy. We don't wish to combine with the enemies of the Revolution. We don't wish to combine against you. We only wish liberty, and the government of the people by the people. If you would win us to your banner do not offer us commands, nor appointments, nor portfolios, for we do not wish them; do not offer us positions, for we despise them. Offer us the government of the people by the people; offer us the separation of the Church from the State, the reduction of the army, and the formation of a national reserve; offer us a diminution in the taxes and the self-government of the municipality and the province, and then you will see we will not coalesce with any of the ancient parties, but we will coalesce with you in all grand ideas. Gentlemen, enough of the belief that the sword is the only lightning-rod against social tempests. The sword, like all other metals, instead of repelling, attracts the lightning. Place at the summit of the social edifice the lightning-rod of England, Belgium, Switzerland, and the United States-the lightning-rod of civil power and legality. If you wish to take from the people their violent character, the Government must abandon their illimitable assumptions. Enough of suspensions of Ayuntamientos; enough of falsifying the constitutional guarantees; enough of dissolving militias; enough of sophistical circulars. Create a Government just and free, otherwise power may pass fugitively from the hands of the Liberals, and you may be condemned to a long opposition, and to-morrow may be wanting in the liberty and the justice which to-day we seek.”

CHAPTER IV.

ROME-NORTH GERMANY AND PRUSSIA-TURKEY AND EGYPT.

ROME-Opening of the Ecumenical Council of the Vatican-Papal Bull-Question of Infallibility of the Pope-Bull Lata Sententiæ.

NORTH GERMANY AND PRUSSIA.-Opening of the North German ParliamentSpeech of the King of Prussia-Close of the Session-Opening of the Prussian Chamber-Speech of the King-His Reply to a Deputation of the Brandenburg Synod.

TURKEY AND EGYPT.-Differences between the Sultan and the Viceroy of EgyptThe Viceroy's Defence of his Conduct-Opening of the Suez Canal.

ROME.

THE Ecumenical Council of the Vatican was opened on the 8th. of December. The procession, consisting of about 800 ecclesiastics, including six Prince-Archbishops, forty-nine Cardinals, eleven Patriarchs, six hundred and eighty Archbishops and Bishops, twentyeight Abbots, and twenty-nine Generals of Religious Orders, formed in the Vatican, and descended into St. Peter's, where the Pope gave them his benediction, and received the homage of the Council.

A few days before the Pope issued a Bull, providing that in case of his own death during the sitting of the Council, that Body should not interfere in the election of his successor. The chief interest felt in the meeting of this Ecumenical Council was occasioned by a general belief that it was intended to erect into an article of faith the dogma of Papal Infallibility. This is what the Curia at Rome and the Ultramontane party ardently desire, but there is a large and increasing body of Roman Catholics who see all the danger, not to say the absurdity, of such a step, and whose opposition to it will be rigorous and uncompromising. It is said that the French Emperor caused an intimation to be conveyed to his Holiness that the promulgation of such a doctrine would be inexpedient and inopportune, and this hint from such a quarter is not likely to be disregarded'. There appeared in the course of the autumn in Germany a very remarkable book called, "The Pope and the Council," by Janus, to which different writers, all Roman Catholics, anonymously contributed, and which is one of the most damaging attacks upon the Papacy which has been published since the time of Luther. It exposes, in a masterly manner with abundance of quotation and historic proof, the frauds, and falsehoods, and forgeries, by which the fabric of the supremacy of the Pope has been built up, and shows that, unknown in the early centuries of the Church, it owes its origin to documents deliberately forged, such as the Isidorian Decrees, the Decretal of Gratian, and the apocryphal documents of Thomas Aquinas. We need hardly say that the book was placed by the Holy See in its index of prohibited works, which will merely have the effect of increasing its popularity and sale.

Before the end of the year the Pope issued a Bull which is known by the name of Late Sententia, and the object of which was to define the cases in which anathema and excommunication are incurred, for offences against the Holy See and the Catholic faith. We can only afford space to quote some of these.

The Spanish Government informed the Pope, in a despatch dated Madrid, Nov. 19, and addressed to its Chargé d'affaires in Rome, that It would not be prudent of the Holy Pontiff to try to augment an authority almost omnipotent of itself, nor would it be likely that a Council, by recognizing the infallibility of the Pope, should for ever close the door to all future gatherings of the Church, neither is it natural, on the other side, for already absolute Powers to seek the augmentation of their force in the vote of deliberative Assemblies."

"1. All apostates from the Christian faith, and all and severally heretics, whatever be their name, and to whatever sect they may belong, and those who believe in them, those who receive them, favour them, or defend them.

"2. All and severally those who knowingly read without the authority of the Holy See the books of the same apostates and heretics, supporting the heresy, as the books of any author whatever prohibited by name by letters apostolic, and those who retain the same books, print and defend them in any way whatever.

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3. Schismatics, and those who obstinately withdraw or recede from obedience to the Roman Pontiff at that time living.

"4. All and severally, of whatever status, dignity, or condition, who appeal from the ordinances or mandates of the Roman Pontiffs pro tempore existing to a future Universal Council, as also those by whose aid, counsel, and favour the appeal shall have been made.

"5. All those who slay, wound, strike, arrest, imprison, retain, and hostilely persecute the Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church, the Patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, and Legates of the Apostolic See and Nuncios, or who drive them from their dioceses, territories, lands, or dominions, as also those who command such things, or ratify them, or assist, counsel, or favour such persons.

"6. Those who directly or indirectly impede the action of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, whether of the interior or exterior forum, and who, therefore, recur to the secular forum, and procure, or publish, or aid them by counsel or favour.

"7. Those who compel, either directly or indirectly, lay judges to bring before their tribunals ecclesiastical persons, contrary to the Canons, as also those who make laws or decrees contrary to the liberty or rights of the Church. . .

"We declare that absolution from all the excommunications hitherto enumerated has been reserved and is specially reserved to the Roman Pontiff for the time being.

"We declare that those are subject to excommunication latæ sententiæ reserved to the Roman Pontiff :

"1. Those who instruct or defend, whether in public or in private, the propositions condemned by the Apostolic See, under pain of excommunication late sententia; also those who instruct or defend as lawful the practice of asking the penitent the name of an accomplice, which was condemned by Benedict XIV. in the Constitutions: Suprema, July 7, 1745; Ubi primum, June 2, 1746; Ad eradicandum, September 28, 1746.'

"2. Those who, at the instigation of the devil, lay violent hands on clerics or monks of either sex, except in such cases, and persons for whom by right or privilege it is permitted that the ten Bishops or others shall give absolution.

"3. Those who fight in duel, or simply challenge or accept it; and whoever aids or abets it in any manner whatever, as those, too, who deliberately assist or permit it, or as far as in them lies do not prevent it, whatever may be their dignity, be it royal or imperial.