ANNUAL REGISTER,

FOR THE YEAR

1868.

PART I.

ENGLISH HISTORY.

CHAPTER I.

Review of the State of Public Affairs at the commencement of the year-Unfavourable features in the commercial and political prospects of the nation-Continued depression of the money-market and absence of speculative enterprise-Alarm of the Fenian outbreak in Ireland extended to this country-Reference to this subject in the Queen's Message to Parliament at the close of the last year-Declining tendency of the Public Revenue-Position of Lord Derby's Cabinet in public favour-Difficult questions of legislation requiring settlement-Reform Bills for Scotland and IrelandNational Education-Questions affecting the Established Church-The Irish difficulty, its formidable nature and urgent importance-Remarkable Speech of Lord Stanley at the Bristol Conservative Banquet, Ireland "the question of the hour”. Parliament re-assembles after the Recess on the 13th of February-Renewal of the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland for the term of a year-Statement made by the Earl of Mayo on introducing the Bill in justification of the further suspension of the law-Statistics of Fenianism in Ireland-Remarks of Mr. Chichester Fortescue, Mr. Bagwell, and other members-The Bill is passed speedily through the House of Commons-In the Lords a debate takes place, in which the question of the Irish Church is made a leading topic-Speeches of Earl Russell, Earl Grey, the Earl of Ellenborough, and other Peers-The Bill is agreed to-Ministerial changesThe continued illness of the Prime Minister, Lord Derby, necessitates his retirement from office, and Mr. Disraeli becomes First Lord of the Treasury-Other changes in the distribution of offices-Lord Cairns succeeds Lord Chelmsford as Lord Chancellor, and Mr. Ward Hunt becomes Chancellor of the Exchequer in place of Mr. Disraeli-Announcement of these changes in both Houses, which are adjourned for a time in consequence-Mr. Disraeli addresses the ineinbers of the Conservative party at a meeting in Downing-street, and states the circumstances under which he has undertaken the leadership of the Government-Explanations are given in both Houses on their meeting again after the adjournment-Mr. Disraeli's professions as to the policy of his Cabinet-Remarks of Mr. Bouverie characterizing that policy, and on the disorganized state of the Liberal party-Severe animadversions of Earl Russell in the House of Lords upon the course pursued by the Government in the last Session-Change in the procedure of the House of Lords-Abandonment of voting by proxy-Discussion on the nature and origin of that privilege-Lord Redesdale urges its retention, but does not oppose the Motion, which is carried nem. con. and embodied in a Standing Order-Discontinuance of Public Executions-The Home Secretary introduces this measure, recommended by a Select Committee and strongly supported by public opinion-The Bill meets with some

B

opposition in the House of Commons, but is carried by large majorities in both Houses and becomes law.

In closing our narrative of the domestic transactions of 1867 in the last volume of this work, we characterized that year as one which had left the impression of a somewhat anxious and eventful period. The occurrences which imparted this unfavourable aspect to the past, the most prominent of which were the commercial depression and the Fenian insurrection, threw a cloud also upon the opening scene of the new year. The shock given to confidence, the dulness of trade, and the stagnation of enterprise engendered by the calamitous failures of 1866, still exercised their paralyzing influence upon the money-market, and straitened the means of large classes of the community; while the disquietude caused by the unsettled state of the sister country, and the apprehension of that "organized violence and assassination" which the Sovereign had lately described in her message to Parliament as having extended itself to England, perplexed the minds of politicians, and complicated the problem, so long found insoluble, of the pacification of Ireland. In other respects the aspect of public affairs was not very encouraging. The deficient harvest of the preceding year, combined with the commercial derangements, had begun to tell upon the sources of the public revenue, and inspired the apprehension of increased taxation. The results of the Abyssinian expedition were as yet doubtful, but at the outset it appeared not an improbable conjecture that the expense of such an enterprise, even if successful, would prove greater than the provision made for it. The political state of England was tranquil, the Administration of Lord Derby, though commanding only a minority of supporters in the House of Commons, was not threatened with immediate danger, and in several of its departments was regarded as skilful and efficient, but it had still some serious difficulties to grapple with. The question of Parliamentary Reform, though settled so far as concerned the representation of England and Wales by the Act passed in 1867, still required to be dealt with in regard to the two sister kingdoms. The large and momentous subject of National Education had been marked out by public opinion, and announced by the speech from the Throne, as ripe for legislative settlement. There were also religious controversies which had of late disquieted the public mind, and caused appeals to be made to the Government for their solution. Yet above all these questions, most prominent in its magnitude, and most urgent in its pressure, towered that of the condition of Ireland. As indicating the feeling which prevailed at this period among thoughtful and sober politicians, it will be sufficient to refer to the declarations made shortly before the reassembling of Parliament by one of the most sagacious and dispassionate of the leading public men of England, Lord Stanley. At a banquet given on the 22nd of January, at Bristol, to Her Majesty's Ministers, at which several members

of the Cabinet were present, the noble lord, in the course of his speech, passed in review the several questions which at that time occupied the public mind, and would shortly demand the intervention of the Legislature. After particularizing several of these, Lord Stanley prefaced the remarks he had to make by a forcible appeal to his hearers on the urgency of the case of Ireland. "It is one," he said," which I suppose at the present moment is hardly ever absent from the mind of any person who takes part in public affairs. I mean the painful, the dangerous, and to us, in appearance at least, the discreditable state of things which unhappily continues to exist in Ireland. We have, indeed, in that country a strange and perplexing problem to solve. I suppose there never was a time when Englishmen of all parties and all classes were more anxious to give all reasonable satisfaction to Irish demands, and even, as far as can be done without national injury, to humour the feelings and prejudices of the Irish people. The material condition of Ireland is not bad. Certainly it is far above the average of what it has been in former years; the peasantry are better fed, better clothed, and better paid than they were twenty years ago. The more educated class share absolutely and without restriction the advantages of British citizenship. Nothing is wanted except a little peace and security for uncounted millions of British capital to pour into that country, as English wealth has poured into Scotland, and as it continues every day to pour into colonies that are separated from us by the breadth of the globe; yet it would be idle to deny that discontent is very widely spread, that disaffection is not unfrequent, and that there is a portion of the population-I hope not a considerable portion, but still a portion-who regard their connexion with England as a burden rather than as a benefit. Well, that is a miserable state of things; and yet when we look for a remedy, who is there that can give us an intelligible answer ?" The noble speaker went on to examine in detail the various demands made by the organs of Irish discontent for redress and satisfaction, characterizing some of these, such as the repeal of the union, and the conversion of yearly tenants into owners of the soil, as too chimerical to be entertained. Another great subject of controversy, that of the Protestant Church Establishment, Lord Stanley, while admitting its gravity, passed over as one which, in his position, and under the circumstances of the time, it was inexpedient to descant upon. 'It is perfectly clear," he said, "that if there is to be any legislation-I don't say that there oughtaffecting the political position of the various parties in Ireland, such legislation ought not be the work of a dying Parliament, returned by a constituency which is itself about to be considerably modified." Finally the noble lord concluded his review of Irish affairs by the emphatic declaration, which was frequently referred to in the Parliamentary discussions of the ensuing session, that the condition of Ireland was "the question of the hour." After such a statement from one of the leading members of the Government,

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it will not be a matter of surprise to observe how very large a space in the proceedings of the Legislature, and how important a bearing upon the current of political events, and upon the position of statesmen, are to be ascribed to the controversies arising out of the condition of the sister country.

It will be remembered that the Parliamentary Session of 1867-8 commenced in the latter part of the former year, in consequence of the occasion which arose for summoning the Legislature in order to make provision for the expenses of the Abyssinian expedition. The Royal speech, containing the usual programme of the ministerial projects of legislation, was delivered on the 19th November, 1867, and included, among its leading topics, the recent aggression on the Papal territories, and the consequent intervention of France; the "treasonable conspiracy" and outrages of Fenianism; the intended Reform Bills for Ireland and Scotland, with the Boundary Bills for the three kingdoms; the great question of the Education of the People; together with measures for the Prevention of Bribing at Elections, for the better administration of Public Schools, for the amendment of legal procedure, and other matters.

The first question of importance which engaged the attention of Parliament on its re-assembling after the Christmas recess, on the 13th of February, was the renewal of the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland. This was the third year in which the condition of the sister kingdom had unhappily rendered necessary the continuance of this restriction on the personal liberty of the subject. Two years before the first Act had been passed, which gave the Lord-Lieutenant the power of imprisoning those whom he had reason to suspect of traitorously conspiring to disturb the peace of the realm. Twelve months later the Government supposed the Fenian conspiracy to be so far crushed that they advised Her Majesty to declare, in her speech from the throne, her hope that exceptional legislation might then be dispensed with. Unhappily the effect of this announcement was to bring back to England the foreign emissaries engaged in fomenting the conspiracy, and again enkindle the spirit of sedition. It became necessary to renew the expiring Act, but the Government were still content to ask a renewal for three months only, and it was not till the session was well advanced, and sedition had developed into rebellion, that the suspension was further extended till the spring of 1868. Again, for the third time, the Secretary for Ireland found it necessary to ask for a supension of constitutional rights, nor could he now venture to limit his proposal to three or even to six months, but proposed to Parliament to sanction for a whole year, viz. till March 1, 1869, the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. In asking leave to bring in a Bill to this effect on the 14th February, Lord Mayo assured the House of Commons that nothing but a conviction of the absolute necessity for the preservation of peace would

o induced the Government to ask for a continuance of these

exceptional powers. In justification of the measure, Lord Mayo stated that though the Fenian leaders had recently transferred the scene of their active operations to this country, there were still events occurring in Ireland which made it necessary that the Government should have this power. They had also information that among the leaders of the conspiracy, both in the United States and on the Continent, considerable activity prevailed. Most of these leaders were men who had been engaged in the American war, and had refused to return to civil life, who had thrown off their allegiance to the British Crown, and carried on their machinations out of the reach of our authority. Explaining the mode in which the Act had been worked, Lord Mayo stated that there were at that time ninety-six persons in custody under the LordLieutenant's warrant, of whom eighty-three were in Mountjoy prison, subject to no other hardship than detention. The number of persons arrested from the 1st of January, 1867, to the 31st of January, 1868, was 265, and of these 111 were arrested in March last, when the short-lived outbreak occurred. The numbers arrested fell away at first after the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act was continued. In July eight were arrested, and during August, September, and October there were only two arrests; but the number subsequently increased, and in the last three months thirty-three arrests were made. Out of the whole number of 265 arrested, ninety-five, including many of the principal persons, had come from America. An observation of at least equal importance might be made on the classification of the persons arrested. They were, almost without exception, persons whose industry was their only wealth-men who might, if they wished, earn a living, and possibly at some time had done so, as clerks, shop-assistants, artisans, and labourers. The agents of sedition were thus those who risked nothing but their liberty in engaging in it, while those who had given any hostages to fortune kept aloof. Among the 265 were ninety artisans, sixty-six labourers, twenty-five professional men and clerks, a certain number of shop-assistants, sailors, and persons of no employment, and only eleven farmers. Lord Mayo called attention to this remarkable abstinence of the occupiers of land-the most numerous industrial class of the community-from participation in Fenian designs. He stated that the Government had invariably been careful to arrest only the leaders, and not to put these powers in force against the mere dupes; and he drew from the statistics of the arrests the conclusion that the movement was confined in Ireland to the very lowest class of the population. To show that these powers--which had been used to suppress no other liberty than that of rebellion-had been efficacious, he read an extract from the New York People, and he mentioned that, out of forty-three military leaders sent from America, the three principals had never reached Ireland, and the others had either been brought to justice or were exiles. After repelling indignantly the insinuation that the Government had at one time shut its eyes to