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PRESIDENTSHIP OF WASHINGTON AND JOHN ADAMS.

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Although it was natural that nations groaning under the despotism of kings, nobles, and priests, should greet the commencement of the French revolution as the dawn of a cloudless day; although the sympathy of the North Americans with the fate of a friendly people seems praiseworthy; yet there was no reason for depreciating the advantages of their own position, and recommending a hasty imitation of this foreign, uncertain, vacillating, untried system, while they themselves had already obtained more without extravagance and violence.

When citizen Genet landed at Charleston, in April, 1793, as French plenipotentiary, he met with the most brilliant reception; his journey through the United States resembled a triumphal procession, and not a few united themselves into clubs in the French manner to pursue political objects. This caused Genet's vanity, insolence, and presumption to rise to such a height,* that he had ships fitted out against England in American harbors, made preparations for an expedition against Louisiana, treated Washington in an unseemly manner, and exhorted the American people to disobedience against his government. Washington, who wished not to injure France, and hoped that the wanderers would soon return to the right path, acted at first towards Genet with great moderation and forbearance; but as soon as he saw that this only led to new intrigues and slanders, he proceeded with firmness and energy, compelled Genet to be recalled, and became a third time the savior of his country.† The narrow and evil-minded calumnies of those times have long since been forgotten; and the victory of the American Constitution and of American liberty in the trying ordeal of a struggle with the flames of revolutionary principles, was the strongest proof of their worth and vital power.

With the greatest good sense Washington opposed all participation in the unhappy quarrels that devastated Europe; and on the 27th of October, 1795, he concluded a treaty of commerce with England,-who it is true did not grant all that was reasonably desired, but as much as was any way attainable under existing circumstances.

When on this occasion the House of Representatives transgressed the bounds of their authority, and wished to interfere with that of the president in the management of foreign affairs, Washington mildly and firmly declared, that the treaty was valid by virtue of the Constitution, without the participation of the

"Genet," says Jefferson, "was hot-headed, all imagination, no judgment, passionate, disrespectful, indecent towards the president," &c. Tucker's Life, i. 444. ↑ Barbé-Marbois, Histoire de Louisiane, p. 168. Janson, The Stranger in America,

P. 74.

House of Representatives, and that his duty forbade him to comply with their requests.*

As soon as his first presidential term of four years had expired, Washington considered it his duty to resign this high dignity to another. But worthy friends and even prudent opponents, judging correctly of the state of affairs then existing, called upon him to sacrifice his personal inclinations to his country's good. Thus Thomas Jefferson wrote to him: "The confidence of the whole Union is centred in you. Your being at the helm will be more than an answer to every argument which can be used to charm and lead the people in any quarter into violence or secession. North and South will hang together, if they have you to hang on; and, if the first corrective of a numerous representation should fail in its effect, your presence will give time for trying others not inconsistent with the union and peace of the states. I am perfectly aware of the impression under which government affairs lays your mind, and of the ardor with which you pant for retirement to domestic life. But there is sometimes an eminence of character on which society have such peculiar claims, as to control the predilection of the individual for a particular walk of happiness, and restrain him to that alone arising from the present and future benedictions of mankind. This seems to be your condition, and the law imposed on you by Providence, in forming your character, and fashioning the events on which it was to operate."†

By 132 votes out of 135, Washington was a second time elected president, and labored till March, 1797, in a beneficial manner to promote the tranquillization and the improvement of his country. The letter in which Washington on laying down his office took leave of the American people, exhibits an admirable impress of his noble nature and mode of thinking. He calls to mind all the happiness and all the advantages that God had conferred upon the country; exhorts in the most dignified and impressive manner to order and unity; and shows that morality, virtue, and true religion, are necessary both to individuals and to states, and determine their true value. May the Americans ever regard this most noble, comprehensive, and important political testament of a good man as their model, their guiding star; for then will they never fall into adversity, arrogance, or degeneracy. I cannot refrain from extracting at least a few passages

here.

"The unity of government," says Washington, "is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly * Hinton, i. 425. † Sparks's Washington, i. 480.

prize. Towards this union, therefore, you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment; accustoming your selves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

"You must seek to avoid the necessity of forming and supporting over-grown military establishments, which under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are peculiarly hostile to a free republic.

"In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember especially that, for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable.

"Unfortunately the spirit of party is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists, under different shapes, in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their

worst enemy.

"Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

"As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel

example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.

"Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government.

"The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us, to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

"Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after fortyfive years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dan

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The last hopes of this noble man were fulfilled. He left only once more for a short time his peaceful rural abode, to defend his country against the pretensions of France. On the 14th of December, 1799, he died a peaceful, happy death, in the 67th year of his age. Congress resolved to solemnize the event of his decease by a large funeral procession and by wearing mourning for a month, and to erect to him a marble monument,' resolutions both appropriate and laudable; although the admiration with which Washington was regarded by all civilized nations, showed him to be one of the few among mankind to whom is given an immortality more durable than brass or marble, and whose spotless and beneficent memory is cherished to the latest posterity.

* Laws, iii. 401.

In the year 1797, John Adams was elected president in the place of Washington, receiving 71 votes; and Thomas Jefferson vice-president, with 68 votes. The former was born in 1735, in the state of Massachusetts, was member of the first congress, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, ambassador to France, and author of a new constitution for Massachusetts. Although Adams was known to be upright, well-informed, and skilful in business.† yet many feared that his administration. would assume a one-sided, Anglo-aristocratic character. His inaugural address to Congress, however, tranquillized the minds of most persons. After acknowledging and enumerating the defects of the first federal constitution, he spoke in terms of praise of the new one. Far from wishing or urging any alteration in it, he declared that, as in duty bound, he would protect it, would respect the rights of the individual states, never exhibit local preferences, maintain every where peace and quietness, do justice, and show partiality to no foreign nation.

Complaints on this latter head could hardly be wanting during the wars between France and England, and the vehement partizanship of almost all their contemporaries, extending even to America. Thus it was said that the commercial treaty concluded with England was injurious, and that that country molested and ill-treated American shipping far more than France. But the position of the United States towards this latter power soon underwent a change. In the opening speech of his second congress, Adams complained, with great reason, that France showed herself very arrogant both in word and deed, that she had declared and sought to produce an opposition between the American people and the American government, and had sent back a new American ambassador. America wished to preserve peace every where, would readily acknowledge and repair errors, and institute fresh negotiations. There are bounds however beyond which a free people cannot suffer affronts, but must arin and defend itself. Congress agreed on all points with the president, and the French failed in producing either divisions or dastardly compliance.

The French Directory feigned to be exceedingly wroth at the president's very moderate speech; allowed the American envoy to wait for months in Paris; and then required that America should buy of them thirty-two millions of worthless Dutch paper, pay a large sum to Talleyrand by way of a gratification, and whatever other unseemly demands their dishonorable agents had the audacity to propose.

When this became known in America, all exclaimed in right• Wood's History of the Administration of J. Adams. † Inchiquin's Letters, p. 68.

Jefferson's Writings, iii. 385.

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