« AnteriorContinuar »
from Europe, who shall have declared their in- | teen at the first, it will be fortunate if, among the ills and tention to become citizens, to vote: Carried : accidents which surround us, we shall maintain that num
ber to the end. Yeas, 23 ; Nays, 21-as follows:
We are on the eve of the consummation of a great naYeas For Clayton's amendment :
tional transaction-a transaction which will close a cyclo
in the history of our country-and it is impossible not to Messrs. Adams,
desire to pause a moment and survey the scene around Atchison,
us, and the prospect before us. However obscure we may Badger,
individually be, our connection with this great transaction Bell,
will perpetuate our names for the praise or for the cenBenjamin,
sure of future ages, and perhaps in regions far remote. Brodhead,
If, then, we had no other motive for our actions than but Brown,
Jones, of Tenn.,
that of the honest desire for a just fame, we could not be Butler,
indifferent to that scene and that prospect. But individual Clay,
interests and ambition sink into insignificance in view of Clayton,
the interests of our country and of mankind. These interDawson,
ests awaken, at least in me, an intense solicitude. Slidell-23.
It was said by some in the beginning, and it has been Neys Against Clayton's amendment: said by others later in this debate, that it was doubtful Messrs. Chase,
whether it would be the cause of Slavery or the cause of Norris,
Freedom that would gain advantages from the passage of Dodge, of Wisc.,
this bill. I do not find it necessary to be censorious, nor Dodge, of Iowa,
even unjust to others, in order that my own course may Douglas,
be approved. I am sure that the honorable Senator from Fessenden,
Illinois [Mr. Douglas) did not mean that the Slave States Fish,
should gain an advantage over the Free States; for he Foot,
disclaimed it when he introduced the bill. I believe in all Gwin,
candor, that the honorable Senator from Georgia, (Mr. Hamlin,
Toombs,] who comes out at the close of the battle as one Jones, of Iowa,
of the chiefest leaders of the victorious party, is sincere in Williams-21.
declaring his own opinion that the Slave States will gain Mr. Chase moved to aniend, by providing for no unjust advantage over the Free States, because he disthe appointment of three Commissioners resid. claims it as a triumph in their behalf. Notwithstanding
all this, however, what has occurred here and in the ing in the Territory to organize the Territory, country, during this contest, has compelled a conviction divide it into election districts, notify an election that Slavery will gain something, and Freedom will endure on the first Monday in September then ensuing, a severe, though I hope not an irretrievable, loss. The etc, at which election the people should choose and satisfied with the prospective boon; and the Free their own Governor, as well as a Territorial Legis. States are excited and alarmed with fearful forebodings lature--the Governor to serve for two years, and and apprehensions. The impatience for the speedy pasthe Legislature to meet not later than ťay, 1855. sage of the bill, manifested by its friends, betrays a
knowledge that this is the condition of public sentiment in This extension of the principle of “Squatter the Free States. They thought in the beginning that it Sovereignty” was defeated-Yeas, 10; Nays, 30. was necessary to guard the measure by inserting the
Mr. Douglas's amendment was then agreed to, foreign inhabitants of the Territories from the right of and the bill reported from the Committee of the suffrage. And now they seem willing, with almost perfect Whole to the Senate.
unanimity, to relinquish that safeguard, rather than to The question on the engrossment of the bill was delay the adoption of the principal measure for at most a
year, perhaps for only a week or a day. Suppose that now reached, and it was carried: Yeas, 29; the Senate should adhere to that condition, which so lately Nays, 12.
was thought so wise and so important-what then? The March 3.-The rule assigning Fridays for the bin could only go back to the House of Representatives
, consideration of private bills having been sus- the other, a decision in favor of the bill would be secured; pended, on motion of Mr. Badger, the Senate for even if the House should disagree, the Senate would proceeded to put the Nebraska-Kansas bill on have time to recede. But the majority will hazard noits final passage, when a long and earnest de-thing, even on a prospect so certain as this
. They will
recede at once, without a moment's further struggle, from bate ensued. At a late hour of the ght Mr. the condition, and thus secure the passage of this bill now, Seward, of New York, addressed the Senate, in to-night. Why such
haste ? Even if the question were to opposition to the bill, as follows:
go to the country before a final decision here, what would
there be wrong in that? There is no man living who will MR. PRESIDENT : I rise with no purpose of further re- say that the country anticipated, or that he anticipated, sisting or even delaying the passage of this bill. Let its the agitation of this measure in Congress, when this conadvocates have only a little patience, and they will soon gress was elected, or even when it assembled in Decemreach the object for which they have struggled so earnestly ber last. and so long. The sun has set for the last time upon the Under such circumstances, and in the midst of agita. guaranteed and certain liberties of all the unsettled and tion, and excitement, and debates, it is only fair to say, unorganized portions of the American continent that lie that certainly the country has not decided in favor of the within the jurisdiction of the United States. To-morrow's bill. The refusal, then, to let the question go to the coun. sun will rise in dim eclipse over them. How long that ob- try, is a conclusive proof that the Slave States, as represcuration shall last, is known only to the Power that di- sented here, expect from the passage of this bill what the rects and controls all human events. For myself, I know Free States insist that they will lose by it an advantage, only this—that now no human power will prevent its com- a material advantage, and not a mere abstraction. There ing on, and that its passing off will be hastened and se. are men in the Slave States, as in the Free States, who incured by others than those now here, and perhaps by only sist always too pertinaciously upon mere abstractions. But those belonging to future generations.
that is not the policy of the slave States to-day. They Sir, it would be almost factious to offer further resist- are in earnest in seeking for, and securing, an ob ect, and ance to this measure here. Indeed, successful resistance an important one. I believe they are going to have it. I was never expected to be made in this Hall. The Senate- do not know how long the advantage gained will last, nor floor is an old battle-ground, on which have been fought how great or comprehensive it will be. Every Senator many contests, and always, at least since 1820, with fortune who agrees with me in opinion must feel as I do that unadverse to the cause of equal and universal freedom. We der such circumstances he can forego nothing that can be were only a few here who engaged in that cause in the done. decently, with due respect to difference of opinion, beginning of this contest. All that we could hope to do and consistently with the constitutional and settled rules -all that we did hope to do-was to organize and pre- of legislation, to place the true merits of the question bepare the issue for the House of Representatives, to which fore the country. Questions sometimes occur which seem the country would look for its decision as authoritative, to have two right sides. Such were the questions that diand to awaken the country that it might be ready for the vided the English nation between Pitt and Fox-such the appeal which would be made, whatever the decision of contest between the assailant and the defender of Quebec. Congress miatt be. We are no stronger now. Only four- I The judgment of the world was suspended by its symp&
thics, and seemed ready to descend in favor of him who dark side has passed. I feel quite sure that Slavery at should be most gallant in conduct. And so, when both most can get nothing more than Kansas; while Nebrasfell with equal chivalry on the same field, the survivors ka—the wider northern region-will, under existing united in raising a common monument to the glorious but circumstances, escape, for the reason that its soil and rival memories of Wolfe and Montcalm. But this contest I climate are uncongenial with the staples of slave culture
involves a moral question. The Slave States so present it. I-rice, sugar, cotton, and tobacco. Moreover, since the - They maintain that African Slavery is not erroneous, not public attention has been so well and so effectually
anjust, not inconsistent with the advancing cause of hu- directed toward the subject, I cherish a hope that * man nature. Since they so regard it, I do not expect to Slavery may be prevented even from gaining a foothold
see statesmen representing those states indifferent about in Kansas. Congress only gives consent, but it does not a vindication of this system by the Congress of the United and cannot introduce Slavery there. Slavery will be
States. On the other hand, we of the Free States regard embarrassed by its own overgrasping spirit. No one, I 1. Slavery as erroneous, unjust, oppressive, and therefore am sure, anticipates the possible reëstablishment of the
absolutely inconsistent with the principles of the American African Slave-trade. The tide of emigration to Kansas Constitution and Government. Who will expect us to be is therefore to be supplied there solely by the domestic indifferent to the decisions of the American people and fountain of slave production. But Slavery has also other of mankind on such an issue ?
regions besides Kansas to be filled from that fountain. Sir, I am surprised at the pertinacity with which the There are all of New Mexico and all of Utah already honorable Senator from Delaware, mine ancient and hon- within the United States; and then there is Cuba, that
orable friend, [Mr. Clayton,] perseveres in opposing the consumes slave labor and life as fast as any one of the - granting of the right of suffrage to the unnaturalized for- slaveholding States can supply it; and besides these
eigner in the Territories. Congress cannot deny him that regions, there remains all of Mexico down to the right. Here is the third article of that convention by Isihmus. The stream of slave labor flowing from so which Louisiana, including Kansas and Nebraska, was small a fountain, and broken into several divergent ceded to the United States :
channels will not cover so great a field; and it is rea. "The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incoro sonably to be hoped that the part of it nearest to the porated in the Union of the United States, and admitted North Pole will be the last to be inundated. But African as soon as possible, according to the principles of the Fede- slave emigration is to compete with free emigration of ral Constitution, to the enjoyment of the rights, privileges, white men, and the source of this latter tide is as ample and immunities of the citizens of the United States; and as the civilization of the two entire continents. The in the meantime they shall be maintained and protected honorable Senator from Delaware mentioned, as if it in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the were a startling fact, that twenty thousand European religion they profess."
immigrants arrived in New York in one month. Sir, he The inhabitants of Kansas and Nebraska are citizens has stated the fact with too much moderation. already, and by force of this treaty must continue to be, return to the capital a day or two ago, I met twelve and as such to enjoy the right of suffrage, whatever laws thousand of these emigrants who had arrived in Newyou make to the contrary. My opinions are well known, York on one morning, and who had thronged the to wit: That Slavery is not only an evil, but a local one, churches on the following Sabbath, to return thanks for injurious and ultimately pernicious to society, wherever it deliverance from the perils of the sea, and for their arrival exists, and in conflict with the constitutional principles of in the land, not of Slavery but of Liberty. I also thank society in this country. I am not willing to extend nor to God for their escape, and for their coming. They are permit the extension of that local evil into regions now now on their way westward, and the news of the passage free within our empire. I know that there are some who of this bill, preceding them, will speed many of them differ from me, and who regard the Constitution of the toward Kansas and Nebraska. Such arrivals are not United States as an instrument which sanctions Slavery as extraordinary-they occur almost every week; and the well as Freedom. But if I could admit a proposition so in- immigration from Germany, from Great Britain, and congruous with the letter and spirit of the Federal Consti- from Norway, and from Sweden, during the European tution, and the known sentiments of its illustrious found war, will rise to six or seven hundred thousand souls in ers, and so should conclude that Slavery was national, I a year. And with this tide is to be mingled one rapidly must still cherish the opinion that it is an evil; and swelling from Asia and from the islands of the South because it is a national one, I am the more firmly held and Seas. All the immigrants under this bill. as the House bound to prevent an increase of it, tending, as I think it of Representatives overruling you have ordered, will be manifestly does, to the weakening and ultimate over- good, loyal, Liberty-loving, Slavery-fearing citizens. throw of the Constitution itself, and therefore to the Come on, then, gentlemen of the Slave States. Since injury of all mankind. I know there have been States there is no escaping your challenge, I accept it in behalf which have endured long, and achieved much, which of the cause of Freedom. We will engage in competition tolerated Slavery ; but that was not the slavery of caste, for the virgin soil of Kansas, and God give the victory like African Slavery. Such Slavery tends to viemoralize to the side which is stronger in numbers as it is in right. equally the subjected race and the superior one.
There are, however, earnest advocates of this bill, who been the absence of such Slavery from Europe that has do not expect, and who, I suppose, do not desire, that given her pations their superiority over other countries Slavery shall gain possession of Nebraska. What do in that hemisphere. Slavery, wherever it exists, begets they expect to gain ? The honorable Senator from fear, and fear is the parent of weakness. What is the Indiana (Mr. Pettit) says that by thus obliterating the secret of that eternal, sleepless anxiety in the legislative Missouri Compromise restriction, they will gain a tabula halls, and even at the firesides of the Slave States, al rasa, on which the inhabitants of Kansas and Nebraska ways asking new stipulations, new compromises and may write whatever they will. This is the great princiabrogation of compromises, new assumptions of power ple of the bill, as he understands it. Well, what gain is and abnegations of power, but fear? It is the apprehen- there in that? You obliterate a Constitution of Freesion, that, even if safe now, they will not always or long dom. If they write a new constitution of freedom, can be secure against some invasion or some aggression from the new be better than the old ? If they write a Constituthe Free States. What is the secret of the humiliating tion of Slavery, will it not be a worse one? I ask the pa:t which proud old Spain is acting at this day, trem- honorable Senator that. But the honorable Senator says bling between alarms of American intrusion into Cuba that the people of Nebraska will have the privilege of on one side, and British dictation on the other, but the establishing institutions for themselves. They have now fact that she has cherished Slavery so long and still the privilege of establishing free institutions. Is it a pricherishes it, in the last of her American colonial posses- vilege, then, to establish Slavery? If so, what a mockery sions ? Thus far Kansas and Nebraska are safe, under are all our Constitutions, which prevent the inhabitants the laws of 1820, against the introduction of this element from capriciously subverting free institutions and estabof national debility and decline. The bill before us, as lishing institutions of Slavery ! Sir, it is a sophism, a subwe are assured, contains a great principle, a glorious tlety, to talk of conferring upon a country, already secure principle;
and yet that principle, when fully ascertained, in the blessings of Freedom, the power of self-destruction. proves to be nothing less than the subversion of that What mankind everywhere want, is not the removal security not only within the Territories of Kansas and of the Constitutions of Freedom which they have, that Nebraska, but within all the other present and future they may make at their pleasure Constitutions of slavery Territories of the United States. Thus it is quite clear or of Freedom, but the privilege of retaining Constituthat it is not a principle alone that is involved, but that tions of Freedom when they already have them, and the 'hose who crowd this measure with so much zeal and ear. removal of Constitutions of Slavery when they have Destness must expect that either Freedom or Slavery them, that they may establish Constitutions of Freedom shall gain something by it in those regions. The case, in their place. We hold on tenaciously to all existing then, stands thus in Kansas and Nebraska: Freedom Constitutions of Freedom. Who denounces any man for may lose, but certainly can gain nothing; while Slavery diligently adhering to such Constitutions ? Who would may gain, but as certainly can lose nothing.
dare to denounce any one for disloyalty to our existing 80 far as I am concerned, the time for looking ou the Constitutions, if they we. e Constitutions of Despotism and
slavery? But it is supposed by some that this principle | States. It is a firm and stable ground, on which we can lot is less important in regard to Kansas and Nebraska than ler siand in opposition to fanaticism than on the shifting sands
of coinproinise. Let us be done with compromises. Let us as a general one-a general principle applicable to all
go back and stand upon the Constitution." other present and future Territories of the United States. Do honorable senators then indeed suppose they are
I stood upon this ground in 1850, defending Freedom Establishing a principle at all ? If so, I think they upon it as Mr. Calhoun did in defending Slavery. I was
overruled then, and I have waited since without proposegregiously err, whether the principle is either good or bad, rignt or wrong. They are not establishing it, and ing to abrogate any compromises. cannot establish it in this way. You subvert one law
It has been no proposition of mine to abrogate them capriciously, by making another law in its place. That now; but the proposition has come from another quar.
It is about to prevail. The is all, Will your law have any more weight, authority, ter-from an adverse one. solemnity, or binding force on future Congresses, than shifting sands of compromise are passing from under my the first had? You abrogate the law of your predeces feet, and they are now, without agency of my own, taksors—others will have equal power and equal liberty to ing hold again on the rock of the Constitution. It shal abrogate yours. You allow no barriers around the old be no fault of mine if they do not remain firm. This law, to protect it fiom abrogation. You erect none
seems to me auspicious of better days and wiser legisla: around your new law, to stay the hand of future innova- tion. Through all the darkness and gloom of the pre
sent hour, bright stars are breaking, that inspire me with Sir, in saying that your new principle will not be hope, and excite me to perseverance. They show that established by this bill, I reason fiom obvious, clear, well the day of compromises has past forever, and that hence settled principles of human nature. Slavery and Freedom forward all g. eat questions between Freedom and are antagonistical elements in this country.
Slavery legitimately coming here—and none other can founders of the Constitution framed it with a knowledge come-shall be decided, as they ought to be, upon their of that antagonism, and suffered it to continue, that it merits, by a fair exerc se of legislative power, and not by might work out its own ends. There is a commercial , bargains of equivocal prudence, if not of doubtful
morality. antagonisın, an irreconcilable one, between the systems of f.ee labor and slave labor. They have been at war Mr. Douglas closed the debate, reiterating with each other ever since the Government was estab: and enfrcing the views set forth in his Report 1.shed, and that war is to continue forever. The contest: already referred to; and at last the vote was is to be settled somewhere ; it is to be settled in the seat taken, and the bill passed: Yeas, 37; Nays, of ceatral power, in the Federal Legislature. The Con: 14; as follows: st.tution makes it the duty of the central Government to determine questions, as often as they shall arise, in favor Yeas-For the Kansas-Nebraska bill : of one or the other party, and refers the decision of
Hunter, tbem to the majo.ity of the votes in the two Houses of
Johnson, Congress. It will come back here, then, in spite of all
Jones, of Iowa, the efforts to escape from it.
Jones, of Tenn., This antagonism must end either in a separation of the
Mason, antagonistic parties—the Slaveholding States and the
Morton, Free States-or, secondly, in the complete establishment
Norris, of the influence of the Slave power over the Free-or
Pettit, else, on the other hand, in the establishment of the
Pratt, superior influence of Freedam over the interests of
Clay, of Ala.,
Rusk, Slavery. It will not be terminated by a voluntary seces
Sebastian, sion of either party. Commercial interests bind the
Shields, Slave States and the Free States together in links of gold
Dodge, of Iowa, Slidell, that are riveted with iron, and they cannot be broken by
Stuart, passion or by ambition. Either party will submit to the
Thompson, of Ky. ascendency of the other, rather than yield the commer
Thomson, of N. J., cial advantages of this Union. Political t.es bind the
Toucey, Union together-a common necessity, and not merely
Weller, a common necessity, but the coinmon interests of
Williams-37. empire-of such einpire as the world has never before seen. The control of the national power is the control
Nays-Against the said bill: of the great Western Continent; and the control of this Messrs. Bell,
Houston, continent is to be, in a very few years, the controlling in
James, fluence in the world. Who is there, North, that hates
Dodge, of Wisc., Seward, Slavery so much, or who, South, that hates emancipa
Smith, tion so intensely, that he can attempt, with any hope of
Sumner, success, to break a Union thus forged and welded to
Wade, gethe: ? I have always heard, with equal pity and dis.
Walker-14 gust, threats of disunion in the Free States, and similar threats in the Slaveholding States.
I know that men
So the bill was passed, and its title declared may rave in the heat of passion, and under great politi- to be “An Act to organize the Territories of cal excitement; but I know that when it comes to a ques. Nebraska and Kansas," and the Senate ador with Slavery, the masses will uphold it, and it will journed over to the Tuesday following. *tand until some inherent vice in its Constitution, not yet In the House, a bill to organize the Territory disclosed, shall cause its dissolution. Now, entertaining of Nebraska bad been noticed on the first day
hese opinions, there are for me only two alternatives, of the session, by Mr. John G. Miller, of Mo, riz, : eithe. to let Slavery gain unlimited sway, or so to exert what little power and influence I may have, as to who introduced it December 22d. secure, if I can, the ultimate predominance of Free. Jan. 24th.—Mr. Giddings gave notice of a dom. Sir, I have always said that I should not despond, i
bill to organize said Territory. even if this fearful measure should be effected: nor do I
Jan. 30.--Mr. Pringle, of N Y., endeavored now despond. Although, reasoning from my present to have the bill passed at the last session (leavof 1520, I have labored, in the very spirit of those who ing the Missouri Restriction intact), reported by established it, to save the landmark of Freedom which it the Committee on Territories; but debate arose, assigned. I have not spoken irreve.ently even of the and his resolution lay over. compromise of 1850, which, as all men know, I opposed earnestly and with diligence. Nevertheless, I have al
Jan. 31.-Mr. Richardson, of II., chairman ways prefer.ed the compromises of the Constitution, and of the Committee on Territories, reported a have wanted no others. I feared all others. This was a bill “ To organize the Territories of Nebraska leading principle of the great statesman of the South, and Kansas,” which was read twice and com(Mr. Calhoun). Said he:
mitted. "I see my way in the Constitution ; I cannot in a compromise. A compromise is but an act of Congress. It may be
Mr. Richardson's bill was substantially Mr. overruled at any time. It gives us ng security. But the consti. Douglas's last bill, and was accompanied by rio which we can meet our friends from the non-slaveholding report. Mr. English, of Ind., submitted the
views of a minority of said Committee on Ter Finally, at 111 o'clock, P.m., of Friday, 12th, ritories, proposing, without argument, the two after a continuous sitting of thirty-six hours, following amendments :
the House, on motion of Mr. Richardson, ad1. Amend the section defining the boundary journed. of Kansas, so as to make “the summit of the May 13th.-- The House sat but two hours, Rocky Mountains” the western boundary of and effected nothing. said Territory.
May 15th.-Mr. Richardson withdrew his de2. Strike out of the 14th and 34th sections of mand for the Previous Question on closing the said bill all after the words “ United States," debate, and moved instead that the debate and insert in each instance (the one relating to close at noon on Friday the 19th instant. This Kansas, and the other to Nebraska) as fol. he finally modified by substituting Saturday the lows:
20th ; and in this shape his motion prevailed by Provided, That nothing in this act shall be so con- a two-thirds majority-Yeas, 137; Nays, 66– strued as to prevent the people of said Territory, through the following opponents of the bill voting for the properly constituted legislative authority, from pass: the motion, namely: ing such laws, in relation to the institution of Slavery, as they may deem best adapted to their locality, and most conducive to their happiness and welfare ; and so much
MAINR.-Thomas J. D. Fuller, Samuel Mayall-2. of any existing act of Congress as may oonflict with the
New-HAMPSHIRE.-Geo. W. Kittredge, Geo. W. Mor above right of the people to regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, be, and the same is here
MASSACHUSETTS.-Nathaniel P. Banks, jr.-1.
CONNECTICUT.-Origen S. Seymour-1. by, repealed.
New-YORK.-Gilbert Dean, Charles Hughes.--2. This appears to have been an attempt to give PENNSYLVANIA.- Michael C. Trout-1. practical effect to the doctrine of Squatter OH10 - Alfred P. Edgerton, Harvey H. Johnson, AQSovereignty ; but it was not successful.
drew Ellison, William D. Lindsley, Thomas Richey-5.
INDIANA.- Andrew J. Harlan, Daniel Mace-2. May 8th.-On motion of Mr. Richardson, the ILLINOIS.- John Wentworth-1. House-Yeas, 109; Nays, 88—resolved itself MICHIGAN - David A. Noble, Hestor L. Stevens—2. into a Committee of the Whole, and took up
WISCONSIN.-John B. Macy--1
VIRGINIA.-John S. Millson-1. the bill (House No. 236) to organize the Terri. Total-21. tories of Nebraska and Kansas, and discussed it -Mr. Olds, of Ohio, in the chair.
Mr. Richardson, having thus got in his resoOn coming out of Committee, Mr. George W. lution to close the debate, put on the previous Jones, of Tenn., moved that the rules be sus- question again, and the House-Yeas, 113; pended so as to enable him to more the print- Nays, 59-agreed to close the debate on the ing of Senate bill (No. 22, passed the Senate as 20th. aforesaid) and the amendment now pending to Debate having been closed, the opponents of the House bill. No quorum voted-adjourned. the measure expected to defeat or cripple it by
May 9th.—This motion prevailed. After de moving and taking a vote in Committee on bate in Committee on the Kansas-Nebraska bill, various propositions of amendment, kindred to the Committee found itself without a quorum, those moved and rejected in the Senate ; some and thereupon rose and reported the fact to the of which it was believed a majority of the House-only 106 Members were found to be House would not choose or dare) to vote present. After several fruitless attempts to ad- down; and, though the names of those voting journ, a call was ordered and a quorum ob on one side or the other in Committee of the tained, at 9 p.x. At 10, an adjournment pre. Whole are not recorded, yet any proposition railed.
moved and rejected there, may be renewed in May 10th.-Debate in Committee continued. the House after taking the bill out of commit
May 11th.-Mr. Richardson moved that all tee, and is no longer cut off by the Previous debate in Committee close to·morrow at noon. Question, as it formerly was. But, when the
Mr. English moved a call of the House: Re-hour for closing debate in Committee had fused ; Yeas, 88; Nays, 97.
arrived, Mr. Alex. H. Stephens moved that the Mr. Mace moved that Mr. Richardson's mo- enacting clause of the bill be stricken out ; which tion be laid on the table : Defeated. Yeas, 95; was carried by a rally of the friends of the Nays 100.
bill, and of course cut off all amendments. The Mr. Edgerton, of Ohio, moved a call of the bill was thus reported to the House with its House. Refused: Yeas, 45 ; Nays, 80. head off; when, after a long struggle, the
The day was spent in what has come to be House refused to agree to the report of the Concalled “Filibustering ”-that is, the minority mittee of the Whole-Yeas, (for agreeing) 97 ; moving adjournments, calls of the House, ask- Nays, 117– bringing the House to å direct vote ing to be excused from voting, taking appeals, on the engrossment of the bill. etc., etc. In the midst of this, Mr. Richardson Mr. Richardson now moved an amendment, withdrew his original motion, and moved in which was a substitute for the whole bill, being stead that the debate in Committee be closed substantially the Senate's bill, with the clause
in five minutes after the House shall have re. admitting aliens, who have declared their in#sumed it.
tention to become citizens, to the right of sufThe hour of noon of the 12th having arrived, frage. He thereupon called the Previous QuesMessrs. Dean and Banks raised points of order tion, which the House sustained-Yeas, 116; as to the termination of the legislative day. Nays, 90—when the House adopted his amendo The Speaker decided that the legislative day ment-Yeas, 115 ; Naye, 95—and proceeded to could only be terminated by the adjournment engross the bill —Yeas, 112; Naye, 99—when of the House, except by constitutional conclu- he put on the Previous Question again, and sion of the session. Mr. Banks appealed, but passed the bill finally-Yeas, 113; Naye, 100at length withdrew his appeal.
B. Morgan, William Murray, Andrew Oliver, Jared V.
Peck, Rufus W. Peckham, Bishop Perkins, Benjamin FROM THE FREE STATES.
Pringle, Russell Sage, George A. Simmons, GEKRIT
Smith, John Wheeler-22. MAINE.-Moses McDonald-1.
New-JERSEY.–Aleso. C. M. Pennington, Charles Skel. NKW-HAMPSHIRE-Harry Hibbard-1.
ton, Nathan T. Stratton-3. CONNECTICUT.-Colin M. Ingersoll-1. VERMONT.-None. MASSACHUSETTS.-Nono.
PENNSYLVANIA.-Joseph R. Chandlor, Carlton B. Cur.
tis, John Dick, Augustus Drum, William Everhart, RHODE ISLAND.-- None.
James Gamble, Galusha A. Grow, Isuac E. Hiester, NEW-YORK. - Thomas W. Cumming, Francis B. Cut. Thomas M. Horoe, John McOulloch, Ner Middlesmarth, ting, Peter Rowe, John J. Taylor, William M. Tweed, David Ritchie, Samuel L. Russell, Michael C. Trout Hiram Walbridge, William a Walker, Mike Walsh, Theo.
14. R. Westbrook-9. PENNSYLVANIA.-Samuel A. Bridges, John L. Dawson, Edgerton, Andrew Ellison, Joshua R. GIDDINGS, Aaron
OHIO.-Edward Ball, Lewis D. Campbell, Alfred P. Thomas B. Florence, J. Clancy Jones, William H. Kurtz, Harlan, John Scott Harrison, H. H. Johnson, William John McNair, Asa Packer, John Robbins, jr., Christian D. Lindsey, M. H. Nichols, Thomas Richey, William R. M. Straub, William H. Witte, Hendrick B. Wright-11.
Sapp, Andrew Stuart, John L. Taylor, EDWARD WADE NEW-JERSEY-Samuel Lilly, George Vail-2.
-15. OH10.-David T. Disney, Frederick W. Green, Edson
INDIANA.-Andrew J. Harlan, Daniel Mace, Samuel B. Olds, Wilson Shannon-4.
W. Parker-3. INDIANA.—John G. Davis, Cyrus L. Dunham, Norman Eddy, William H. English, Thomas A. Hendricks, James Washburno, John Wentworth, Richard Yates-5.
ILLINOIS. -James Knox, Josse 0. Norton, Elihu B. H. Lane, Smith Miller-7.
MICHIGAN.-David A. Noble, Hestor L. Stevens-2. ILLINOIS.-James C. Allen, Willis Allen, Wm. A. Rich.
WISCONSIN.-Benjamin C. Eastman, Daniel Wells, jr.ardson-3.
2. MICHIGAN.-Samuel Clark, David Stuart-2.
Iowa.-None. IOWA.-Bernhart Henn-1.
CALIFORNIA.-None, Total-91. WISCONSIN. - None.
CALIFORNIA.—Milton 8. Latham, J. A. McDougall-2.
VIRGINIA.-John S. Millson-1.
NORTH CAROLINA. - Richard C. Puryear, Sion H.
TENNESSEE.- Robert M. Bugg, William Cullom Emor. Shower, Joshua Vansant-4.
LOUISIANA.-Theodore G. Hunt-1. VIKGINIA.—Thomas H. Bayly, Thomas S. Bocock, John
MISSOURI.-Thomas H. Benton-1. 8. Caskie, Henry A. Edmundson, Charles J. Faulkner,
OTHER SOUTHERN STATES.-None. Total-9.
NORTH CAROLINA.-William S. Ashe, Burton Craige,
Absent, or not voting--21. M. Shaw-6.
N. ENGLAND STATES.- William Apploton, of Mass.-1. SOUTH CAROLINA.-William W. Boyce, President S. New-YORK.-Geo. W. Chase, James Maurice--2. Brooks, James L. Orr--3.
ILLINOIS. -Wm. H. Bissell-1.
WISCONSIN.-John B. Macy-1. LOUISIANA.-William Dunbar, Roland Jones, John Per
Total from Free States-9. kins, jr.-3
KENTUCKY.-John C. Breckinridge, James S. Chris- MARYLAND.—John R. Franklin, Augustus R. Sollers man,
Leander M. Cox, Clemont S. Hill, John M. Elliot, -2. Benj. E. Grey, William Preston, Richard H. Stanton VIRGINIA. -Fayette McMullen-1. -8.
NORTH CAROLINA.--None. TENNESSEE.-William M. Churchwell, George W. Jones,
DELAWARE.- None. Charles Ready, Samuel A. Smith, Frederick P. Stanton, SOUTH CAROLINA.-Wm. Aiken, Lawrence M. Keitt, Felis Zolliooffer-6.
KENTUCKY.-Linn Boyd, (Speaker,) Presley Eroing-2. FLORIDA.-Augustus E. Maxwell-1.
MISSOURI.-Samuel Caruthory-i. TEXAS.-Peter H. Bell, Geo. W. Smyth—2. Total-69. ARKANSAS.--None. FLORIDA. -None.
TEXAS.None. TENNESSEE.- None.
Total from Slave States_12.
Democrats in Roman. MAINE.-Samuel P. Benson, E. Wildor Farley, Tho. mas J. D. Fuller, Samuel Mayall, Isruel Washburn, jr. May 23d. The bill being thus sent to the -5.
Senate (not as a Senate but as a House bill), NEW HAMPSHIRE.—George W. Kittredge, George W. was sent at once to the Committee of the Whole, Morrison-2.
MASSACHUSETTS.—Nathaniel P. Banks, jr., Samuel L. and there briefly considered.
tion to become such, [citisons) and shall have taken at 8. Seymour-3.
the provisions of this act. VERMONT. - James Meacham, Alvah Sabin, Andrero Tracy_3.
Negatived-Yeas : Bayard, Bell, Brodhead, New YORK.--Henry Bennett, Davis Carpontor, Gil. Brown, Clayton, Pearce, and Thompson of bert Dean, Caleb Lyon, Reuben E. Fenton Thomas T. Flaglor, George Hastings, Solomon G. Haven, Charles
Kentucky. Nays, 41. Hugios, Daniel T. Jones, Orsamus B. Matteson, Edroin The bill was then ordered to be engrossed