me to impair the national engagements, to innovate upon principles which have been so deliberately and uprightly established, or surrender in any manner, the rights of the government. To enable me to maintain this declaration, I rely, under God, with entire confidence on the firm and enlightened support of the national legislature, and upon the virtue and patriotism of my fellow citizens."

The business which engaged both Houses of Congress, for the first fortnight of this session, was the preparing of an answer to Mr. Adams, for this gracious speech. Messrs. Venable, Freeman, Griswold, Kittera and Rutledge, were the commit tee appointed by the House of Representatives for that purpose. The three latter were truly federal; and the first report they gave in, was even too complaisant for many of the federal faction to suffer.

Mr. Nicholas, of Virginia, proposed an amendment, which tended to modify the approving panegyric contained in the answer. He said, that this was the most important crisis America had known. since the Declaration of its Independence; and it would depend much upon the answer returned to the President's speech, whether we were to witness a similar scene of havoc and distress, to that which was not yet forgotten. The situation in which we stood with respect to France, in his opinion, called for the most judicious proceedings; it was his wish, to heal the breach, which was already too great, by temperate, rather than widen it by irritating meas

ures.

K

He confessed, that he considered the answer re`ported to them, as going to decide the question of peace or war for this country....he thought it a thing of that sort which might have the worst possible consequence, and could have no good effect; it might tend to irritate, to prevent any sort of inquiry or settlement taking place, but could not serve towards an adjustment of differences. What, said Mr. Nicholas, can be expected, if Americans act upon this temper? Their declaration with respect to France, will probably reach that country before an envoy can be sent to endeavour to negociate a settlement of differences....why endeavor to frighten them, when we are the weakest power? He said, he did not mean to recommend humiliating measures; he would pledge himself not to submit to insult without redress, nor was any man more unwilling to make mean or improper concessions than he; but the language of moderation and justice he preferred to a boasting manner. If injury or error had been committed on the part of America, he wished it to be corrected. He considered it to be for the honor, credit and interest of America, that the committee should go into a fair and full examination of the address before them, and he hoped that examination would take place.

Mr. Freeman, member for New-Hampshire, after several preliminary observations, declared, he should vote for the amendment, as he saw nothing in it exceptionable....it did not contain, he said, an unqualified approbation of the

measures of the executive, nor any undignified expressions. If the amendment should not prevail, still the original report might be so amended, as to induce him, perhaps, to vote for it. He hoped a spirit of conciliation would obtain, and that unanimity might prevail on the occasion..

Mr. Edward Livingston,* of New-York, in a speech of five hours, which it would be impossible to abridge, supported the amendment.

Mr. Gallatin was of opinion the debate had been extended on so wide a field, that the object which, in his mind, occupied the first place, was in some. measure, deprived of the full consideration which time and circumstances demanded; he thought those. arguments which concerned the conduct of foreign. nations towards each other, might as well have. been omitted altogether, on the present occasion., The members of the committee might be made sen-. sible of the irritation of such discussions, but he believed no one would pretend to say, he was fully informed of foreign concerns on either side, to decide upon their policy or impolicy. At the same time,. it should be considered, that the situation of America, and the best policy to be pursued in her situation, were the only proper objects of our immediate attention, and those alone upon which the House

This gentleman is a descendant of a Scotch family, who emigrated to America the beginning of last century. His great grandfather was a John Livingston, a Presbyterian Clergyman, who made a conspicuous figure during the reformation. Mr. Livingston has lately been elected Mayor of New-York.

should pretend to be properly informed, or to decide with effect.

The question before the house, he said, was the amendment proposed by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Nicholas) respecting which, we could not be too speedy in our decisions. The events on the other side of the Atlantic, were so rapid, as not to be within our reach or controul; we even did not know the events which had already taken place.. He would not rely on the generosity of any nation in particular circumstances; and there was no knowing the extent to which success might lead men, under a mistaken impression of injury. America ought to lose no time. France had nearly overwhelmed all Europe by land....what she might do next, we did not know: whether she was just or unjust, we should at least not lose time in negociation; and we ought the more readily to do this, because there was no man in America, of what party he might be, who would not resist, if resistance was required; therefore, (he said) while the conflict remained doubtful, it became us to determine on our affairs; and as the amendment appeared to furnish the only grounds upon which negociation was at all likely to be attended with the necessary effects of securing power and independence,, they ought to be preserved.

Several other amendments having been proposéd and carried, the following address was at length agreed to, and presented to the President by the members of the House of Representatives, on the 3d

of June, who all walked in procession for that purpose:

"To the President of the United States.

"SIR,

"The interesting details of those events which have rendered the convention of Congress, at this time indispensable, (communicated in your speech, to both Houses), has excited in us the strongest emotions. Whilst we regret the occasion, we cannot omit to testify our approbation of the measure, and to pledge ourselves, that no consideration of private inconvenience, shall prevent, on our part, a faithful discharge of the duties to which we are called.

"We have constantly hoped, that the nations of Europe, whilst desolated by foreign wars, or convulsed by intestine divisions, would have left the United States to enjoy that peace and tranquili ty to which the impartial conduct of our government has entitled us; and it is now with extreme regret, we find the measures of the French Republic tending to endanger a situation so desirable and interesting to our country.

"Upon this occasion, we feel it our duty to express, in the most explicit manner, the sensations which the present crisis has excited, and to assure you of our zealous co-operation in those measures which may appear necessary for our security or peace.

"Although it is the earnest wish of our hearts that peace may be maintained with the French Re