"The Commissioners, acting under the 21st article of the treaty between the United States and Spain, have adjusted most of the claims of our citizens, for losses sustained in consequence of their vessels and cargoes having been taken by the subjects of his Catholic Majesty, during the war between France and Spain.

"Various circumstances have occurred to delay the execution of the law for augmenting the military establishment; among these the desire of obtaining the fullest information to direct the best selection of officers. As this object will now be speedily accomplished, it is expected that the raising and organizing of the troops will proceed without obstacle and with effect.

"Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, "I have directed an estimate of the appropriations, which will be necessary for the service of the ensuing year to be laid before you, accompanied with a view of the public receipts and expenditures to a recent perusal. It will afford you satisfaction, to infer the great extent and solidity of the public resources, from the prosperous state of the finance, notwithstanding the unexampled embarrassments which have attended commerce. When you reflect on the conspicuous examples of patriotism and liberality which have been exhibited by our mercantile fellow-citizens, and how great a proportion of the public resources depends on their enterprise, you will naturally consider, whether their convenience cannot be promoted and re

conciled with the security of the revenue, by a revision of the system, by which the collection is at present regulated.

During your recess, measures have been steadily pursued for effecting the valuations and returns directed by the act of the last session, preliminary to the assessment and collection of a direct tax. No other delays or obstacles have been experienced, except such as were expected to arise from the great extent of our country, and the magnitude and novelty of the operation; and enough has been accomplished to assure a fulfilment of the views of the legislature.

"Gentlemen of the Senate, and

"Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, "I cannot close this address without once more adverting to our political situation, and inculcating the essential importance of uniting in the maintenance of our dearest interests; and I trust, that by the temper and wisdom of your proceedings, and by a harmony of measures, we shall secure to our country that weight and respect to which it is so justly intitled."

This speech of Mr. Adams forms the fourth specimen of the political oratory which graced the Presidential chair during the anglo-federal administration. Among the many forms and usages which America has borrowed from her mother-country, that of a President's Speech, at the beginning of every session, appears to be one of the most unfor

tunate, though one which has been cultivated with the greatest zeal.

A few lines of a complimentary address to the parliament of Britain, the studied composition of the minister of state, but delivered by the king, has given rise to the annual habit of an hour's declamation from the President of America, however trivial the circumstances of his communication may be, or however unfitted our chief-magistrate himself is for such a task. Although the speeches of our present President will ever form a conspicuous figure in the annals of rhetoric, it is not to be supposed his successors will all have the same strength of mind or power of language. The addresses of the venerable Washington are no longer remembered, and the lengthy orations delivered by Mr. Adams are now read with disgust; but the province of impartial history requires their insertion. A careful perusal of them will also repay the patient reader, who wishes to be acquainted with the designs of the late administration, as they show the character of Mr. Adams in a more conspicuous light than all his other productions.

The main topic of this last speech is our late difference with France. Mr. Adams says "that the Directory questioned the sincerity of our administra-/ tion towards peace." They certainly did so, and upon the best grounds. Our love for peace was never to be demonstrated by an evident partiality to the measures of Grenville and Pitt, and by virulence and contumely towards the Republicans of France.

A desire for peace surely was not to be displayed by appointing men for our envoys whose principles were known to be of a monarchical bias. It was not a demonstration of wisdom, or of our aversion to hostilities, to prevent one of those ministers from treating, with whom the Directory were ready to treat. The voidance of a treaty entered into with France, and the breaking off all intercourse with her when she was assailed on every side by the armics of tyrants, were not the most manifest marks of our affection to her; yet the rhetoric of Mr. Adams passes over these circumstances, and discovers in the views of France, new and cogent motives for the full developement of our energies and

resources.

The House of Representatives were occupied their usual time in preparing an answer to the President.

On Friday, the 4th of December, they took into consideration a proposition made by Mr. Harper, for printing 20,000 copies of the Alien and Sedition laws, which was agreed to.

On the 18th of December, the Senate formed itself into a court of impeachment for the purpose of trying William Blount for crimes and misdemeanors against the United States; but Mr. Blount having not appeared, they postponed the trial until Monday, the 24th of December, when Messrs. Dallas and Ingersoll, the counsel for Mr. Blount, put in their plea against the charge exhibited. Mr. Harper, in behalf of the managers, prayed for time

to be allowed them for making their replication, and Thursday, the 3d of January, was fixed upon for that purpose.

On this day the impeachment of Mr. Blount was resumed in the Senate. The court being formed, Mr. Bayard, who was chairman, presented a replication in behalf of the Representatives, setting forth, that as the arguments stated by Blount's counsel respecting the House of Representatives not having power to prefer the articles of impeachment and the Senate power to try them, were insufficient, their plea on that account ought not to be sustained, but that Mr. Blount should be compelled to answer to the articles of impeachment.

Mr. Ingersoll, counsel for the defendant, said that the managers had favored him and Mr. Dallas with a copy of the replication, to which they had agreed to oppose a demur, which he presented and the same was read.

Mr. Bayard entered into a lengthy examination of the plea put in by Mr. Blount's counsel; he said their first objection to the jurisdiction of the Senate over the crimes with which the defendant was charged, was the privilege of a jury. He objected to the necessity of a jury in impeachments more than in Courts-Martial; that the House of Representatives had examined the evidences in this case, and had solemnly given inquest of the guilt of the accused, and exhibited articles of impeachment; but that the necessity of a jury, if proved, might be answered, as the Senate had power to

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