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dating our great struggle are, in good part, preserved. Perhaps the events of no former war were ever so fully and promptly embodied in a single work as are those of our great contest in The Record, which must prove the generous fountain whence all future historians of our country may draw at will. But I am also considerably indebted to Mr. Orville J. Victor's History of the Southern Rebellion, wherein is embodied much valuable, important, and interesting material not contained in The Record., I shall doubtless appear to have made more use of Mr. Edward A. Pollard's Southern History of the War; which I have often cited, and shall continue to cite, for peculiar reasons. Its author is so hot-headed a devotee of Slavery and the Rebellion, that nothing which seems to favor that side is too marvelous for his deglutition; so that, if he were told that a single Confederate had constrained a Union regiment to lay down their arms and surrender, he would swallow it, without scrutiny or doubt. His work, therefore, is utterly untrustworthy as a whole; yet, in certain aspects, it has great value. He is so headlong and unquestioning a believer in the Confederacy, that he never dreams of concealing or disavowing the fundamental ideas whereon it is based; it is precisely because it stands and strikes for Slavery that he loves and glories in the Confederate cause. Then his statements of the numbers engaged or of the losses on either side are valuable in one aspect: You know that he never overstates
nor the losses of the Confederates ; while he seems, in some instances, to have had access to official reports and other documents which have not been seen this side of the Potomac. Hence the use I have made, and shall doubtless continue to make, of his work. But I trust that it has been further serviceable to me, in putting me on my guard against those monstrous exaggerations of the numbers opposed to them with which weak, incompetent, and worsted commanders habitually excuse, or seek to cover up, their failures, defeats, and losses.
I have not found, and do not expect to find, room for biographic accounts of the generals and other commanders who figure in our great struggle, whether those who have hon
and blessed or those who have betrayed and shamed their country. To have admitted these would have been to expand my work inevitably beyond the prescribed limits. By nature little inclined to man-worship, and valuing individuals only as the promoters of
the exponents of ideas, I have dealt with personal careers only when they clearly exhibited some phase of our National character, elucidated the state of contemporary opinion, or palpably and powerfully modified our National destinies. Thomas Jefferson, Eli Whitney, Andrew Jackson, Daniel Webster, John C. Calhoun, Benjamin Lundy, Elijah P. Lovejoy, John Brown-men differing most widely in intellectual caliber as well as in aspirations, instincts, convictions, and purposes—may fairly be regarded as, in their several
#hich we have seen fired by the Secessionists of our day with so magnificent a pyrotechnic display, so majestic a resulting conflagration; and of these, accordingly, some Dotion may be acquired from the following pages; while, of our generals and commodores,
miniature Portraits contained in these volumes, and the record of their respective achievements, are all that I can give. So many battles, sieges, marches, campaigns, etc.,
-a naked record of the remaining events of the war, especially should it be protracted
for a full year more, will test to the utmost my power of condensation to conclude the work in another volume of the generous amplitude of this.
My subject naturally divides itself into two parts: I. How we got into the War for the Union; and II. Horo we get out of it. I have respected this division in my cast of the present work, and submit this volume as a clear elucidation of the former of these problems, hoping to be at least equally satisfactory in my treatment of the latter.
It is the task of the historian to eliminate from the million facts that seemed important in their day and sphere respectively, the two or three thousand that have an abiding and general interest, presenting these in their due proportions, and with their proper relative emphasis. Any success in this task must, of course, be comparative and approximate; and no historical work ever was or will be written whereof a well-informed and competent critio might not forcibly say, 'Why was this fact stated and that omitted? Why give a page to this occurrence, and ignore that, which was of at least equal consequence? Why praise the achievement of A, yet pass over that of B, which was equally meritorious and important f' But, especially in dealing with events so fresh and recent as those of our great convulsion, must the historian expose himself to such strictures. Time, with its unerring perspective, reduces every incident to its true proportions; so that we are no longer liable to misconceptions and apprehensions which were once natural and all but universal. We know, beyond question, that Braddock's defeat and death before Fort Du Quesne had not the importance which they seemed to wear in the eyes of those who heard of them within the month after their occurrence; that Bunker Hill, though tactically a defeat, was practically a triumph to the arms of our Revolutionary fathers; that the return of Bonaparte from Elba exerted but little influence over the destinies of Europe, and that little of questionable beneficence; and that ‘fillibusterism,' so called, since its first brilliant achievement in wresting Texas from Mexico and annexing her to this country, though attempting much, has accomplished very little, toward the diffusion either of Freedom or Slavery. And so, much that now seems of momentous consequence will doubtless have shrunk, a century hence, to very moderate dimensions, or perhaps been forgotten altogether.
The volume which is to conclude this work cannot, of course, appear till some time after the close of the contest; and I hope to be able to bestow upon it at least double the time that I was at liberty to devote to this. I shall labor constantly to guard against Mr. Pollard's chief error—that of supposing that all the heroism, devotedness, humanity, chivalry, evinced in the contest, were displayed on one side; all the cowardice, ferocity, cruelty, rapacity, and general depravity, on the other. I believe it to be the truth, and as such I shall endeavor to show, that, while this war has been signalized by some deeds disgraceful to human nature, the general behavior of the combatants on either side has been calculated to do honor even to the men who, though fearfully misguided, are still our countrymen, and to exalt the prestige of the American name.
That the issue of this terrible contest may be such as God, in His inscrutable wisdom, shall deem most directly conducive to the progress of our race in knowledge, virtue, liberty, and consequent happiness, is not more the fervent aspiration, than it is the consoling and steadfast faith, of
H. G. NEW YORK, April 10, 1864.
pre, will test to the utmost my power of condensation to conclude the work e of the generous amplitude of this. Jurally divides itself into two parts: I. How we got into the War for the How we get out of it. I have respected this division in my cast of the hd submit this volume as a clear elucidation of the former of these
to be at least equally satisfactory in my treatment of the latter. If the historian to eliminate from the million facts that seemed important sphere respectively, the two or three thousand that have an abiding and presenting these in their due proportions, and with their proper relative þuccess in this task must, of course, be comparative and approximate; and no ver was or will be written whereof a well-informed and competent critic y say, 'Why was this fact stated and that omitted? Why give a page to ind ignore that, which was of at least equal consequence? Why praise the JA, yet pass over that of B, which was equally meritorious and importanti'
dealing with events so fresh and recent as those of our great convulsion, in expose himself to such strictures. Time, with its unerring perspec
INDEX BY CHAPTERS.
Jy incident to its true proportions ; so that we are no longer liable to misupprehensions which were once natural and all but universal. We know, that Braddock's defeat and death before Fort Du Quesne had not the imhey seemed to wear in the eyes of those who heard of them within the occurrence; that Bunker Hill
, though tactically a defeat, was practically a mns of our Revolutionary fathers; that the return of Bonaparte from Elba influence over the destinies of Europe, and that little of questionable beat fillibusterism,' so called, since its first brilliant achievement in wrestlexico and annexing her to this country, though attempting much, has little, toward the diffusion either of Freedom or Slavery. And so, much
f momentous conseqnence will doubtless have shrunk, a century hence, to mensions, or perhaps been forgotten altogether. ich is to conclude this work cannot, of course, appear till some time after botest; and I hope to be able to bestow npon it at least double the time rty to devote to this. I shall labor constantly to guard against Mr. Pol--that of supposing that all the heroism, devotedness, humanity, chivalry, ntest, were displayed on one side; all the cowardice, ferocity, cruelty, ral depravity, on the other. I believe it to be the truth, and as such I how, that, while this war has been signalized by some deeds disgraceful
PAGR XVII. The Nebraska-Kansas Struggle. ....224
1854-6!--Pierce-Atchison-A, C. Dodge--Douglas -Archibald Dixon-Salmon P, Chase Badger of N. C.-English of Ind.--A. H. Stephens-Gov. Reeder-William Phillips-John W Whitfield-Civil War in Kansas-Wm. Dow--Sheriff Jones-Nomination of Fremont-President Fillmore at Albany Election of Buchana2-Lecompton-Wyandot--Admission of Kansas as a Free State.
XVIII. Case of Dred Scott in Sup. Court...251
Views of President Buchanan-Chief Justice Taney
PAGE , I Our Country in 1782 and in 1860.... 17
Increase of Population and Wealth
Jeferson's Proposal of Restriction–Nathan Dane's do. V. The Convention of 1787 and the Fed. eral Constitution..
41 VI Slavery after 1787...
49 Persistent Hostility of Congress to Slavery Extension -Purchase of Louisiana-Eli Whitney and his Cot
koa-Gi-Colopization. VII. Missouri—the Struggle for Restriction. 74
Stel-Cs-Pinkney-P. P. Barbour-Webster
Joka W. Taylor-Thomas-the Compromise.
Georgia and the Indians,
Early efforts for Emancipation-Slave-holders con-
Rifing the Mails-Persecution and Marder of Rev,
Right of Petition.
Sam, Houston-V. Hunt-Webster-T. W. Gilmer-
Gen. Ches--Letter to Nicholson-Gen. Taylor chosen
330 to the Pacific.
-Gr. Seward-James Brooks--Gen. Taylor-Hen-
Speech The Texas Job.
Pasgitive Slave Lawr-John Van Buren Judge Grier
XIX. Our Foreign Policy– Monroe-Cuba.264
Jefferson-The Monroe Doctrine'-The Panama Congress-Se cret Intrigues for the Acquisition of Cube-Edward Everett on the Proposition of France and England for a triplicate guarantee of Cuba to Spain -The Ostend Manifesto-Wam Walker and the
regeneration' of Central America--Mr. Buchanan on Cuba-Democratic National resolve of 1860 respect
ing Cuba. XX. John Brown and his Raid..........279
Linenge and early life of John Brown--His Kansas Experiences-His Convention in Canada--Repairs to Virginia-Seizes Harper's Ferry-1s overpowered -captured-convicted-hung.
XXI. The Presidential Canvass of 1860..299
State Elections of 1857-8-9— Lincoln verans Douglas -Gov. Seward's Irrepressible Conflict-Slavery legally established in New Mexico-Helper's Impending Crisis' in Congress-defents John Sherman for Speaker-Pennington chosen-Jeff. Davis's now Democratic Platform The National Democratia Convention at Charleston-Splits on a PlatformThe fragments adjourn to Baltimore and Richmond Douglas and Fitzpatrick nominated by the larger fraction-Breckinridge and Lane by the smaller Fitzpatrick declines-H. V. Johnson substituted Bell and Everett nominated by the Constitutional Union Party-Lincoln and Hamlin by the Ropublicans-The Canvass-Gov. Seward's closing words.
XXII. Secession inaugurated in S. C......328
Legislature called-Gov. Gist's Message Senator Chesnut's Speech - Boyce --Mores - Trenholm McGowan-Mullins-Rain Judge Magrath resigns-Military Convention in Georgia--Votes to se cede-Facilities to Disunion--Houston--Letcher Magoflin-Conway-C. F. Jackson--Alex. Il. Stem phens-S. C, Convention-Ordinance of Secession immediately and unanimously passed--Georgia fol low-30 do Alabamn, Florida, Mississippi, Louisians, and Texas-Arkansas, North Carolina, Virginia, Missouri, Tennessee, Kentucky, Maryland and Delaware, refuse to do likewise, The Secessionists a minority in the Slave States.
he general behavior of the combatants on either side has been calculated to the men who, though fearfully misguided, are still our countrymen, estige of the American name. of this terrible contest may be such as God, in His inscrutable wigvst directly conducive to the progress of our race in knowledge, virtue, pent happiness , is not more the fervent aspiration, than it is the conso
XXIII. The Press and People of the North deprecate Civil War..
.351 The Tribune's overture-The Albany Evening Journal's--The Philadelphia Meeting-Mayor Henry-Judge Woodward-George W. Curtis
suppressed. XXIV. Attempts at 'Conciliation' in Cong. 367
Buchanan and Black condemn "coercion-
the Peace Conference at Wash-
concurs-Failure io compromise-Why. XXVI. The Union versus the Confederacy. .407
Organization of the Confederacy-Jefferson Da-
The tw, Cabinets--Attempts to Negotiate by
the promotion of National Unity. XXVIII. Siege and Reduction of Ft. Sumter 440
Hesitation---Futile Negotiations-Attempt to
PAGE XXXII. West Virginia clings to the Union 516
Convention called-State organization effected
ghan y Summit-Huntersville. XXXIII. The War in Old Virginia........528
Ft. Monroe-Great Bethel-Alexandria occu-
F. P. Blair--Consequences of our failure. XXXIV. First session of the 37th Congress 553
Organization of the House-Mr. Lincoln's first
The President's acts approved-- Adjournment. XXXV. Rebellion and War in Missouri.572
State preparations to aid the Rebellion-Flight
mand-Battle of Belmont, XXXVI. War on the Seaboard and Ocean.597
The Privateer Savannah-- The Petrel-Fort
dell, XXXVII. Kentucky adheres to the Union.608
Hawes finally declared Governor.
Scott & failure-Gen. McClellan called to
Hutchinsons expelled-Whittier's Lyric.
corrected. ANALYTICAL INDEX, .. ....633
XXIX. The Nation called to arms—and responds...
.449 Virginia sends Envoys to Washington-The President's response to them--He calls for 75,000 Militis--Comments of the Press-Response of the Border State Governors--Baltimore in a ferment-Attack on the 6th MassachuBette-Do, on Pennsylvaniang - The Rebels uppermost-Railronds and telegraphs broken upMayor Brown and the Young' Christians visit Washington to demand that no more Northern troops enter Baltimore-Their success-General Butler lands at Annapolis and recovers Maryland-Her traitorous Legislature.
XXX. Secession resumes its march......473
Shameful surrender of the Norfolk Navy Yard
a Union force at St. Louis-Kentucky. XXXI. The Opposing Forces in conflict...497
Davis's first Message-Relative strength of the
PRESIDENT AND CABINET. 1. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President 2. HANNIBAL HAMlin, Vice-President . 3. William H. SEWARD, Secretary of State 4. Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury 5. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 6. GIDEON Welles, Secretary of the Navy 7. John P. Usher, Secretary of the Interior 8. MONTGOMERY BLAIR, Postmaster-General 9. EDWARD Bates, Attorney-General 10. SIMON CAMERON, ex-Secretary of War 11. CALEB B. Smith, ex-Secretary of the Interior.
EMINENT OPPONENTS OF THE SLAVE POWER.
12. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS
112 18. CASSIUS M. CLAY 13. BENJAMIN LUNDY
19. Joshua R. GIDDINGS 14. HENRY WARD BEECHER .
20. WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON . 15. WENDELL PHILLIPS.
21. GERRIT SMITH ILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
22. Owen LOVEJOY. 17. JOHN GREENLEAF WHITTIER
23. CHARLES SUMNER CONFEDERATE CHIEFTAINS. 24. JEFFERSON Davis
336 | 29. JOHN B. Floyd. 25. ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS
30. R. BARNWELL RHETT 26. JUDAH P. BENJAMIN
31. James M. MASON 27. ROBERT TOOMBS .
32. John SLIDELL
33. Isham G. HARRIS
UNION GENERALS. 35. Lieut.-Gen. WINFIELD SCOTT 448 41. Maj.-Gen. Don Carlos BUELL , 448 38. Maj. Gen. John E. WOOL
AMBROSE E. BURNSIDE
BENJAMIN F. BUTLER
46. Brig.-Gen. ROBERT ANDERSON