the wisdom of our system. The President of the United States is no Emperor, no Dictator-he is clothed with no absolute power. He can do nothing unless he is backed by power in Congress. The House of Representatives is largely in the majority against him. In the Senate, he will also be powerless. There will be a majority of four against him: This, after the loss of Bigler, Fitch, and others, by the unfortunate dissensions of the Democratic party in their States. Mr. Lincoln cannot appoint an officer without the consent of the Senate he cannot form a Cabinet without the same consent. He will be in the condition of George III. (the embodiment of Toryism), who had to ask the Whigs to appoint his Ministers, and was compelled to receive a Cabinet utterly opposed to his views; and so Mr. Lincoln will be compelled to ask of the Senate to choose for him a Cabinet, if the Democracy of that body choose to put him on such terms. He will be compelled to do this, or let the Government stop, if the National Democratic men-for that is their name at the Norththe conservative men in the Senate-should so determine. Then, how can Mr. Lincoln obtain a Cabinet which would aid him, or allow him, to violate the Constitution?

"Why, then, I say, should we disrupt the bonds of this Union, when his hands are tied-when he can do nothing against us?

"I believe in the power of the people to govern themselves when wisdom prevails, and passion is silent. Look at what has already been done by them for their advancement in all that ennobles man. There is nothing like it in the history of the world. Look abroad, from one extent of the country to the other; contemplate our greatness: we are now among the first nations of the earth. Shall it, then, be said that our institutions, founded upon principles of self-government, are a failure?

"Thus far it is a noble example, worthy of imitation. The gentleman (Mr. Cobb), the other night, said it had proven a failure. A failure in what? In growth? Look at our expanse in National power? Look at our population and increase in all that makes a people great! A failure? Why, we are the admiration of the civilized world, and present the brightest hopes of mankind.

"Some of our public men have failed in their aspirations; that is true; and from that comes a great part of our troubles.

"No! there is no failure of this Government yet. We have made great advancement under the Constitution; and I cannot but hope that we shall advance still higher. Let us be true to our cause."

Early in January, 1861, Georgia passed an act of secession, and joined the other States that had withdrawn from the Union; and in February, Mr. Stephens accepted the office of Vice-President of the new Confederacy, and traversed the Slave States, and exerted all his powers to rouse the people to war against the government of the United States.

The first plan of the rebels was to break up the government of the United States, take possession of its capital, navy yards, armories, arsenals, and fortifications, preparatory for the outbreak. When all this was done it was supposed there would be but a feeble resistance on the part of the people of the North. The government was to be reorganized, with slavery established in all the States and Territories, and Jefferson Davis as its head. All arrangements for carrying out this scheme had been deliberately and carefully made, and were apparently near consummation, before the people of the North could be made to comprehend the possibility of such a movement by any considerable portion of the people of the Slave States.

One part of this most wicked and damnable plot was to assassinate President Lincoln as he passed through Baltimore, on his way to Washington, to be inaugurated. It was discovered in season, however, to prevent such a great calamity to the country. He left his home at Springfield, Ill., on the 11th of February, accompanied by his family and a few friends. At all the cities and large towns on his route the people assembled and gave him most enthusiastic receptions, and he replied to addresses of welcome at several different places. Columbus, Ohio, he said:

At

"I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a good thing that there is no more than anxiety; for there is nothing going wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that, when we look out, there is nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon political questions: but nobody is suffering anything. This is a most consoling circumstance; and from it we may conclude that all we want is time, patience, and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken this people."

At Pittsburgh, Pa., on the 15th, he said:

"Notwithstanding the troubles across the river [the speaker pointing southwardly across the Monongahela, and smiling], there is no crisis but an artificial one. What is there now to warrant the condition of affairs presented by our friends over the river? Take even their own views of the questions involved, and there is nothing to justify the course they are pursuing. I repeat, then, there is no crisis, except such a one as may be gotten up at any time by turbulent men, aided by designing politicians. My advice to them, under the circumstances, is to keep cool. If the great American people only keep their temper both sides of the line, the trouble will come to an end, and the question which now distracts the country be settled, just as surely as

all other difficulties, of a like character, which have originated in this Government, have been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep their self-possession, and, just as other clouds have cleared away in due time, so will this great nation continue to prosper as heretofore."

At Philadelphia he assisted at the raising of the United States flag over Independence Hall, and in reply to an address of welcome, said:

"I have often pondered over the dangers incurred by the men who assembled here, and framed and adopted that Declaration of Independence. I have pondered over the toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved that Independence. I have often inquired of myself, what great principle or idea it was that kept this confederacy so long together. It was not the mere matter of the separation of the Colonies from the mother-land; but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave Liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but, I hope, to the world, for all future time. It was that which gave promise that, in due time, the weight should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is a sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, can this country be saved on that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world, if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved on that basis, it will be truly awful. But, if this country cannot be saved without giving up that principle, I was about to say that I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed or war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course; and I may say, in advance, that there will be no bloodshed, unless it be forced upon the Government, and then it will be compelled to act in self-defense."

The loyal people of Baltimore had made preparations to testify their respect for the President elect, by a large gathering, procession, and other ceremonies, while the conspirators had arranged to get up a riot at the depot, en his arrival, during which the President, unarmed and unprotected, was to be stabbed or shot. This plan was discovered by the police, who informed General Scott and senator Seward, and Frederick W. Seward, son of the senator, was immediately dispatched to meet the President, and inform him of the danger to his life. He had a public reception at Harrisburgh, after which, with a few of his friends, he retired to his private apartments at the hotel about six o'clock in the evening, and as he was known to be weary, was not interrupted. As soon as it was dark, he, in company with Colonel Lamon, unobserved, entered a hack and drove to the Pennsylvania railroad, where a special train was waiting for him. The telegraph wires were in the mean time cut, so that the knowledge of his departure, if discovered or suspected, could not be sent abroad. The train reached Philadelphia at half-past ten o'clock that night. They drove immediately across the city to the Baltimore and Washington depot. The regular night train was just leaving, at a quarter past eleven. They took berths in a sleeping-car, and, without any change, passed directly through Baltimore, and arrived at Washington safely and unexpectedly, at half-past six o'clock next morning, being the 23d of February. Thus was an important part of the scheme of the rebels frustrated, and the proposed attempt to seize the capital preven ted by the energy and watchfulness of the friends of the incoming administration.

The conspirators had counted on a divided North, believing there were many friends of their cherished institution here who would join them in their rebellion