The democratic national convention at Charleston split on the slavery question. The South totally repudiated Douglas and his squatter sovereignty, while Douglas was equally determined to stick to it. Most of the Southern delegates withdrew and organized a separate convention. Those who remained voted 57 times for a candidate, Douglas always having the highest number, but not the two-thirds required by democratic precedent. They adjourned to meet at Baltimore June 18. The seceders adjourned to meet at Richmond on the first Monday of June, but on that date further adjourned to meet June 28 in Baltimore. The result finally was the nomination of three presidential candidates; Douglas by his convention, Breckinridge of Kentucky by the seceders, or extreme southerners, and Bell (formerly a whig) of Tennessee by the "constitutional union" party, composed for the most part of know-nothings" and old-time whigs. The canvass was warm on all sides; and Douglas, encouraged by the result of the spring elections, felt certain of victory. Election day was Nov. 6, when by far the largest vote ever cast in the union was given. Lincoln got 1,857,601; Douglas, 1,291,574; Breckenridge, 850,082; and Bell, 646,124; Lincoln lacked 930,170 of a majority, but the electoral vote told a different story, being 180 for Lincoln, 72 for Breckinridge, 30 for Bell, and only 12 for Douglas. Lincoln felt deeply the responsibility of his great trust, and still more keenly the difficulty of administering the government for the sole benefit of an organization which had no existence in one-half of the union. He was anxious to take prominent southerners, such as Alexander H. Stephens, and Gilmore of North Carolina, into his cabinet; but they refused all such advances. Secession was determined upon, and events tending to that end followed rapidly. Nov. 10, only four days after the election, a bill was proposed in the South Carolina legislature to equip 10,000 volunteers, a U. S. senator from that state resigned, and a state convention was ordered to consider the question of secession. During that month and the next, senators and officers of the army resigned; secession meetings and conventions were held; the South accumulated arms and enlisted troops; and Dec. 20 the South Carolina convention unanimously adopted an ordinance seceding from the union. The year closed in gloom, and 1861 opened with no hope of peace. On Feb. 4 a peace congress met in Philadelphia; on the same day delegates met at Montgomery, Ala., to form a southern confederacy, and on the 18th the work was done, and Jefferson Davis was inaugurated president. In the mean time Lincoln was making his way towards Washington. After an affectionate parting with his mother who said she was sure she would never see him again, he put his house in order, handed over the law business to his partner, with a request that the old sign should remain for four years at least, and on Feb. 1 the arrangements for the journey were completed. He bade farewell to his life-long friends in a brief and touching address, and turned his face toward the mighty responsibilities soon to be thrown upon him. Everywhere the people were anxious to see and hear him, and he made brief addresses at Indianapolis, Columbus, Cleveland, Pittsburg, before the New York legislature, in New York (in response to the mayor), in Trenton, Philadelphia, and Harrisburg. While at Philadelphia there came rumors of a threatened attack upon his life; bridges were to be burned, tracks torn up, torpedoes exploded, and all manner of weapons were to be drawn against one of the most peaceful men in all the country. The great mass of this menace was sheer bravado, yet his friends (not himself) deemed it proper to take extra care. On the morning of Washington's birthday Lincoln raised the old flag over Independence hall in Philadelphia, and immediately proceeded to Harrisburg. Here he was taken in charge by a few picked friends and the leading railroad officers, and early the next evening quietly went from his hotel to a special train for Washington. He wore no disguise; but changed his stiff hat for a soft one, and threw on a shawl to conceal his features if necessary. At Philadelphia he was quietly transferred to the Baltimore railroad, reached Baltimore at 34 A. M., passed unnoticed, and was safe in Washington at 6 o'clock. His family followed in another train. His secret and safe arrival caused much comment, and he himself quickly regretted that he had not traveled openly in sight of all the people: he felt that he had laid himself open to the charge of cowardice. Almost the first news he heard was the surrender of gen. Twiggs in Texas, a great gain to the secessionists. Lincoln was inaugurated on Monday, Mar. 4, and delivered an elaborate address, full of the best qualities of his nature. Ex-president Buchanan accompanied him to the White House and invoked peace and happiness for his administration. The appearance of the new president is thus described by Ward Lamon in his Life of Abraham Lincoln: "He was 6 ft. 4 in. high, the length of his legs being out of all proportion to that of his body. When he sat on a chair he seemed no taller than an average man, measuring from the chair to the crown of his head; but his knees rose high in front. He weighed about 180 lbs., but was thin through the breast, narrow across the shoulders, and had the general appearance of a consumptive subject. Standing up, he stooped slightly forward; sitting down, he usually crossed his long legs or threw them over the arms of the chair. His head was long, and tall from the base of the brain and the eyebrow; his forehead high and narrow, inclining backward as it rose. His ears were large and stood out; eyebrows heavy, jutting forward over small sunken blue eyes; nose long, large, and blunt; chin projecting far and sharp, curved upward to meet a thick lower lip, which hung downward; cheeks flabby, the loose skin falling in folds; a mole on one cheek, and an uncommonly prominent Adam's apple in his throat. His hair U. K. IX.-4 Lincoln. was dark brown, stiff, and unkempt; complexion dark, skin yellow, shriveled, and leathery. Every feature of the man—the hollow eyes, with the dark rings beneath, the long, sallow, cadaverous face, intersected by those peculiar deep lines, his whole air, his walk, his long and silent reveries, broken at intervals by sudden and startling exclamations, as if to confound an observer who might suspect the nature of his thoughts-showed that he was a man of sorrows, sorrows not of to-day or yesterday, but long-treasured and deep, bearing with him continual sense of weariness and pain." Yet this strangely sorrowful man dearly loved jokes, puns, and comical stories, and was himself worldfamous for his inimitable narrative powers. He drank very little, and was in precept and example a temperance man; and at table always ate sparingly. He was never a member of a church; he is believed to have had philosophical doubts of the divinity of Christ, and of the inspiration of the Scriptures as these are commonly stated in the systems of doctrine called evangelical. In early life he read Volney and Paine, and wrote an essay in which he agreed with their conclusions. Of modern thinkers he was thought to agree nearest with Theodore Parker. Mr. Lincoln took the executive chair in a dark and stormy time. Vast preparations for war had been made in the south, and, except with him and a few still hopeful men, a contest was looked upon as inevitable. In his inaugural address he said that he should "take care that the laws of the union be faithfully executed in all the states;" adding, "I trust this will not be regarded as a menace. There need be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but, beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Physically speaking, we cannot separate, we cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make the intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people; and they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the states. His duty is to administer the present government as it came into his hands, and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor. In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect, and defend it.' In fact he denied the right of any state or number of states to go out of the union. The confederates considered this address to amount to a declaration of war, and hastened their preparations. In the north the address united and consolidated the people in support of its views. Less than six weeks afterwards, gen. Beauregard, on behalf of the confederate government, demanded the surrender of Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor, then garrisoned by a small force under maj. Robert Anderson. The surrender being refused, the fort was attacked April 12, 1861, and thus actual hostilities begun. That act united the people of the north; party lines were broken down, and, with the exception of a few extreme proslavery men (afterwards known as "copperheads"), the whole people echoed the words of Jackson when South Carolina made her first attempt at secession- "The union must and shall be preserved." Maj. Anderson abandoned the fort on the 14th. The next day president Lincoln called a special session of congress to meet on the 4th of July; at the same time he called for 75,000 militia. The response was instantaneous. Massachusetts, with her sixth regiment, was first in the field. This regiment was attacked while going through Baltimore, and a number of its members were killed. On April 19 the president proclaimed the blockade of all the ports of the seceding states. The south was even more inflamed than the north; three days after the fall of Sumter the Virginia legislature voted to join the confederacy, and a few days later North Carolina followed her example. The confederates had raised 100,000 men, and made no secret of their design to capture the national capital and invade the north. On May 30 another call for men was issued by Lincoln, and both the army and the navy were speedily and largely reinforced. In a brief message to congress the president rehearsed the acts of rebellion, and said: 'This issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a constitutional republic or democracy—a government of the people by the same people-can or cannot niaintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic foes. Some opposition was made in congress by members who thought it unconstitutional to “ coerce a sovereign state," but the loyal sentiment overwhelmed them. July 15 a democratic member (McClernand of Ill.) offered a resolution pledging the house to vote any amount of money and any number of men necessary to suppress the rebellion and restore the authority of the government. There were only five opposing votes in a house of nearly 300 members. On July 21 the union forces were very badly defeated at Bull Run, and driven in a panic back upon Washington. The news gave the northern people a terrible shock, but it was only momentary, and its ultimate effect was to rouse to the highest pitch the patriotism and courage of the loyal states, and volunteers came by thousands and thousands without waiting for a call. Up to the last of Oct. gen. Scott retained his position as commander of the army; but he was growing feeble, and was retired, gen. McClellan taking his place. The army was reor ganized, new troops were drilled, and the whole force was soon in good discipline. But McClellan was loath to fight; though entirely loyal, he inclined to act with the moderate men on both sides, and whenever it seemed necessary to strike directly at slavery in order to sustain the republic he was not the man or the officer to do it. McClellan remaining inactive until near the end of Jan., 1862, the president, on the 27th of that mouth, ordered that on Feb. 22 a general movement by land and sea should be made against the confederates. McClellan objected, and nothing was done until at a council of war, held Mar. 13, it was decided to move against Richmond from fortress Monroe. Here again McClellan waited and hesitated, complaining that he was not properly supported at Washington, and after a number of battles, in which the unionists were generally beaten, he was forced to abandon the campaign and retreat. The close of the summer of 1862 was a dark period for loyal men, but no one suffered so keenly or worked so faithfully as did president Lincoln. The confederates now took the aggressive; Lee invaded Maryland, but was soon driven out after the first union victory at Antietam. To follow up this victory, McClellan was ordered to follow Lec and fight him or drive him southward. Again McClellan delayed, and finally broke the longenduring patience of Lincoln, who removed him from command, Burnside taking his place. Battles with Lee followed at Fredericksburg and Chancellorville, in both cases unfortunate for the unionists. The people of the north began to feel that it was time to strike the rebellion in a vital part, and the emancipation of the slaves in the south was urged upon Lincoln, not only as a legitimate, but as a vitally necessary war-measure. He hesitated; thought such an act would drive the border slave states, still nominally loyal, into the confederacy. Again, what if the emancipated negroes should be taken into the confederate army? He said to the men who were urging the emancipation idea and adding that they felt sure it was the will of God: "I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that, if it is probable that God would reveal his will to others on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it directly to me, for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter; and if I can learn what it is, I will do it." In reference to the position of the slave-holding states still in the union he said: There are 50,000 bayonets in the union army from the border slave states. It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of a proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the rebels." Lincoln carefully sought the opinion of the northern people in the matter, and soon found that he would be sustained in the action questioned. Thus fortified he issued, on Monday, Sept. 22, 1862, the most important official document, the declaration of independence only excepted, known in American history; declaring that on and after Jan. 1, 1863, all slaves in states or parts of states then in rebellion should be free. Two years afterwards Lincoln said of the proclamation: "As affairs have turned it is the central act of my administration, and the great event of the 19th century.' After the conflict at Chancellorville the current of success seemed to favor the union arms, leading on to the great event of July 4, 1863-the capture of Vicksburg by gen. Grant. At the same time the three-days' battle between the unionists under Meade and the confederates under Lee was going on near Gettysburg, resulting in a decisive union victory. Lincoln soon saw in Grant the man for the occasion, and in Mar., 1864, in compliance with the recommendation of congress, the captor of Vicksburg was appointed lieut.gen, of the armies of the United States. This sealed the fate of the rebellion. The rebels had fought long and bravely; but their resources failed. their losses were enormous, and those who lived were worn out. Sherman, almost unopposed, marched through an empty country to the sea: Grant, who knew no such word as fail, had set himself to the capture of Richmond, and would "fight it out on this line if it takes all summer." We need not follow details when the catastrophe is so near. On April 2, 1865, Lee was forced out of Richmond (then the confederate capital), and seven days afterwards was compelled to surrender his whole army to Grant at Appomattox. On the 17th, eight days later, gen. Joe Johnston surrendered to Sherman and the great struggle was ended; in fact, it ended with the surrender of Lee. Grant reached Washington on the 13th, met the president and secretary of war, and orders were prepared to stop the raising of recruits. The war was over and every loyal heart was rejoicing. Lincoln's praise was on every tongue; the patient man who had suffered the pain of a thousand deaths during the war; who had been misunderstood, maligned, and condemned, by friends as well as enemies, now shone conspicuous in popular affection. He had liberated a race; he had saved his country. On the evening of April 11 the White House was illuminated, and Lincoln made a short address expressing his acknowledgments to the army, and his gratitude to God, and then turning his remarks to reconstruction, the cardinal points of which he thought would be to grant universal amnesty on condition that the states lately in rebellion should grant universal suffrage. Lincoln and Grant were the idols of the hour. On the morning of the 14th they were invited to visit Ford's theater in the evening. Grant left the city, but the president, though not at all inclined, attended with his wife, and maj. Rathbone and Miss Harris. They went into a private box, and Lincoln was soon absorbed in the play (Our American Cousin). At about 11:30 o'clock the box was suddenly invaded by John Wilkes Booth, an actor and a furious pro-slavery man. In an instant he put a pistol to the back of Lincoln's head and fired; then leaped from the box to the stage, crying, "Sic semper tyrannis! The south is avenged!" and fled through the stage door, mounted a horse, and escaped. The president did not stir; the ball had gone through his brain, and he had no further consciousness. He died the next morning about half-past seven. On the same evening an attempt was made to murder secretary Seward, who was confined to his house in consequence of an accident. It would be vain to attempt to describe the sorrow that spread over the nation, and even other nations, on hearing of this awful tragedy. The assassin was captured and executed, and some of his confederates shared the same fate. It is satisfactory to know that this act of infamy was the work of a gang of private men, and that the confederate government and leaders had no hand in it. Thus, when Lincoln Had mounted fame's ladder so high, From the round at the top he could step to the sky, the great president passed to his rest. Twice elected to his high office-the last time (in Nov., 1864) over gen. McClellan by a popular majority of more than 400,000—he was torn from it in the moment of triumph to be placed side by side with Washington, the one the father, the other the savior of the union; one the founder of a republic, the other the liberator of a race. LINCOLN, BENJAMIN, 1733-1810; b. Hingham, Mass. Until the age of 40 he was a farmer, but had filled the positions of local magistrate, representative in the colonial legislature, and col. of militia. In 1774-75 he took an active part in organizing the provincial militia for active resistance to the mother country, and was appointed maj.gen. of the Massachusetts militia. At the siege of Boston Washington put him in command of an expedition to force the British fleet out of Boston harbor. He commanded the Massachusetts militia at the battle of White Plains in the fall of 1776; reinforced Washington by a fresh levy of Massachusetts militia at Morristown, N. J., Feb., 1777; and by Washington's request was made a maj.gen. in the continental army, Feb. 19 of that year. He co-operated with gen. Schuyler in the summer campaign against Burgoyne in New York, and again organized reinforcements of New England militia for the army. In Sept. he joined gen. Gates as second in command, and was disabled by a wound Oct. 8 at the battle of Bemis Heights, near Saratoga. He resumed service in Aug., 1778, and in Sept. was assigned to the command of the southern army. His command of this division of the army was rather to strengthen the faltering allegiance of the Carolinas and Georgia to the cause of the states by a show of strength than for offensive operations. D'Estaing, admiral of the French fleet, was to co-operate with him near the coast. He arrived at Charleston Dec. 4, 1778, and maintained a defensive watch of the English forces. His army met with reverses at Brier creek and Stone ferry in Mar. and June, and, acting in conjunction with D'Estaing with a view to retake Savannah from the British, the combined forces met with a sanguinary repulse Oct. 9; and the following spring his army was besieged in Charleston and forced to capitulate May 12, 1780. He returned to his home prisoner on parole. Exchanged in the spring of 1781, he joined Washington before Yorktown, and was chosen by Washington to receive the sword of lord Cornwallis on his surrender. He held the office of secretary of war for three years, and retired to his farm at Hingham in 1784. Gen. Lincoln after this held various temporary positions of trust under the state of Massachusetts and the United States. In 1789 he was made collector of the port of Boston, which position he held till his death at the age of 87. He was a man of simple earnest character; and the persevering zeal and disinterestedness of his public service gave him great popularity in his native state and in New England. His services in organizing and drawing opportunely into service the militia of the several states were of great value, and so recognized by Washington. LINCOLN, ENOCH, 1788-1829; son of Levi Lincoln (1749-1820); b. in Worcester, Mass.; studied at Harvard college; entered the legal profession in 1811, and settled at Fryeburg, Me., from which place he removed to the neighboring town of Paris in 1819. He was a member of congress from 1818 to 1826, and governor of Maine in 1827-29. During his residence at Fryeburg he described the beautiful scenery of that forest-town in a poem entitled The Village. He also delivered a poem at the centennial celebration of the fight at Lovewell's pond. He left historical manuscripts of value, some of which have been published in the first volume of the Maine Historical Collections. LINCOLN, JOHN LARKIN, b. in Boston, 1817; professor of Latin in Brown university; editor of Selections from Livy (1847); the Works of Horace (1851); and Cicero's De Senectute. LINCOLN, LEVI, 1749-1820; b. at Hingham, Mass., and graduated at Harvard in 1772; became a lawyer and settled at Worcester in 1775; was judge of probate in 1776; and served in the constitutional convention of 1780. In 1798 he was elected to congress as a political disciple of Jefferson, serving but for a single term. From 1801 to 1805 he was attorney-general of the United States; in 1807-8, lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts; and acting-governor in 1809. He declined an appointment as judge of the supreme court of the United States. Died at Worcester. Lindley, . LINCOLN, LEVI, LL.D., 1782-1868; son of Levi Lincoln (1749-1820); b. in Worcester, and graduated at Harvard in 1802; entered the legal profession in 1805; served in the constitutional convention of 1820; often a member of the legislature, speaker of the house in 1822, president of the senate in 1845; elected lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts in 1823, and was governor from 1825 to 1834; was a member of congress from 1835 to 1841; a judge of the state supreme court in 1824; collector of the port of Boston from 1841 to 1843; and first mayor of Worcester in 1848. LINCOLN COLLEGE, OXFORD, was founded in 1427 by Richard Fleming, bishop of Lincoln, for a rector and 7 fellows, and afterwards greatly augmented by Thomas Rotherham, bishop of Lincoln, archbishop of York, and lord high chancellor of England, who added 5 fellowships, and gave a new body of statutes in 1479, in which the election of fellows was limited to the dioceses of Lincoln, York, and Wells. These limitations were abolished, however, by an act of parliament, 17 and 18 Vict. The foundation at present consists of a rector, 10 fellows, and 14 scholars. Other scholarships are added from time to time from the proceeds of two suspended fellowships; 12 were founded by Dr. Hutchins, lord Crewe, bishop of Durham, and Dr. Radford, rectors. The patronage consists of 9 benefices, in the counties of Oxford, Lincoln, Essex, Dorset, and Bucks, of the annual value of £5,414. This college has usually between 250 and 300 members on the books. LINCOLNSHIRE, a maritime county of England, and, after, Yorkshire, the largest in the country, is bounded on the n. by Yorkshire, and on the e. by the North sea. Area, 1,767,962 statute acres; pop. 71, 436,599. The coast, from the Humber-which separates the county from Yorkshire on the n.-to the Wash, is almost uniformly low and marshy; so low, indeed, in one part-between the mouths of the Welland and the Nen -that the shore here requires the defense of an embankment from the inroads of the sea. Lincolnshire has long been divided into three districts, or "parts," as they are called-viz., the parts of Lindsey, an insular district, forming the north-eastern portion of Lincolnshire, and including the Wolds or chalk hills, which are about 47 m. in length by 6 m. in average breadth; the parts of Kesteven, in the s. w.; and the parts of Holland, in the s.e., including the greater part of the fens. Chief rivers, the Trent, the Ancholme, the Witham, and the Welland. The surface is comparatively level, with the exception of the Wolds in the north-east. The soil, though very various, is on the whole very fertile. It includes tracts of grazing-ground unsurpassed in richness, and the "warplands" (see WARPING) along the side of the Trent produce splendid crops of wheat, beans, oats, and rape without the aid of manure. No other county in England has finer breeds of oxen, horses, and sheep. Horncastle and Lincoln horse-fairs are frequented by French, German, Russian, and London dealers for the purpose of buying superior hunters and carriage-horses. The climate, though subject to strong westerly winds, is much the same as that of the other central counties of England. Six members are returned to parliament. LINCOLN'S INN, one of the four English inns of court, having exclusive power to call persons to the bar. It is so called because it belonged to the earl of Lincoln in the reign of Edward II., and became an inn of court soon after his death in 1310. See INNS OF COURT. LIND, JENNY. See GOLDSCHMidt, Madame. LINDAU, a t. of Bavaria, built on islands in the lake of Constance; pop. about 5,000; the center of a small commerce in hops, wine, fish, and cheese. Its manufactures are mechanical and musical instruments, carriages, etc. In the 7th c. it was a well known Roman town, and a free imperial city until 1803. LIN'DE SAMUEL BOGUMIL, 1771-1847; of Swedish descent; b. at Thorn, Prussia; studied at Leipsic; spent several years in Dresden and Vienna; and in 1803 was appointed director of the lyceum of Warsaw, where he died. His Dictionary of the Polish Language, in 6 vols., is highly esteemed." LINDEN (tree). See LIME, ante. LINDLEY, DANIEL, D.D., b. Penn.; graduated at the Ohio university, of which his father was president; taught school to pay his way through the Union theological seminary of Virginia, where he graduated in 1829: was immediately licensed to preach by the presbytery. For three years he preached in Charlotte, N. Č., and saw several hundred added to the church. When an appeal was made by the American board for settled pastors to become missionaries, he offered his services. He married Lucy Allen of Richmond, Va., and sailed in 1834 for the cape of Good Hope. From Cape Town they journeyed by wagons 500 m. to Griqua Town, thence the next year 500 m. farther to Mosika, the country of Mosilikatse. After encountering great peril and suffering in the war between the Dutch and Mosilikatse, reduced almost to starvation, they reached Port Natal, whence shortly they were driven by war between the Dutch and Dingaaa, great-uncle of Cety wayo. In June, 1839, he returned to Port Natal, where he labored among the Zulus for about thirty-five years. Not only did he make known to them Jesus Christ, but when the native Christians wished to improve their modes of life, though not a mechanic, he could show them how to make brick, to build houses, to construct a few implements and pieces of furniture. In sickness he ministered to them; if a tiger or › |