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and we naturally asked him how any man with a grain of logic or common sense could attribute these vices in one people to its intercourse with another which possesses all the opposite virtues ?
-Oh! replied Mr. Parnell, it is the fault of the English government. Nay, we rejoined, but · Ireland for the last century has, in every thing that related to morals, manners, and domestic economy, (the points in which she is most deficient,) been governed by herself.'—p. 481. And to this Mr. Parnell replies by the passage just quoted ;—first of all inserting the word always instead of 'for the last century,' and omitting the important limitation upon which the whole argument hinges, 'in morals, manners and domestic economy. A bolder (not to use a harsher term) attempt at falsification we have never seen—and trivial as the difference, between always, and for the last century, may appear, it was not insignificant to Mr. Parnell's mind nor unimportant to his argument; for he had stated in the very preceding sentence,
that to govern men ill is to make them slaves, is a clear process of reasoning held from Terence down to Sir John Davis, by whom it is applied to the case of the Irish,' p. 29. Now we admit that in Sir John Davis's time Ireland was not governed by herself; but Sir John Davis did not live within the last century, he having died, we mention it for Mr. Parnell's information, about 300 years ago..
The suppression is of yet more importance; because undoubtedly in great political measures, which are usually understood by the word government, the English cabinet may be said to have governed Ireland:—but we repeat it, (and Mr. Parnell, by calling his countrymen seapoys and slave-drivers, cannot refute us,) that the Houses of Lords and Commons, the Privy Council, the magistracy, the parochial clergy, being all Irish, the Irish must have governed themselves in morals, manners and domestic economy.'
If Mr. Parnell means that all those authorities basely sold themselves to England, and misruled their native country under the corruption of England-he would only impute to his unhappy country one class of depravity more than he has already accused her of, but he would not overthrow our argument:—the Irish parliament may have been corrupt, and may have sold themselves, and may have betrayed the people that they governed; but they did gorern that people, and they were Irish, and that was the whole of our assertion.
But, we totally deny bis fact, to the extent, and for the purpose for which he states it : that there has been considerable misgovernment in Ireland we ourselves admitted ;- but that the whole aristocracy of that country has for the last century deserved to be treated as African slave-drivers, we totally and in
dignantly deny. Mr. Parnell's own father was, for the most important quarter of that century, a public man in Ireland, for a great while a minister—no less than Chancellor of the Exchequer; was he a slave-driver? was he sold to English corruption? did he do nothing for the advancement of the manners, morals and internal economy of Ireland? We could go through a long list of names as pure and still more illustrious, but
it is idle to put even the plainest questions to a person of Mr. Parnell's obliquity of understanding
Mr. Parnell having censured our learning and approved his own, by defending Virgil's propriety, and coupling Terence with Sir John Davis, as Lingo does Heliogabalus with Jack the Painter, crowns his scholarship by finding that the Duke of Bedford and Earl Fitzwilliam are Brutus and Cassius.—He accuses us of omitting the names of these noblemen in our list of the viceroys of Ireland, in these gentle words :
And, to make the inversion of all moral and political judgment more striking, the names of the Duke of Bedford and Lord Fitzwilliam are omitted. Has the reviewer never heard of the memory of Brutus and Cassius being more forcibly recalled by the absence of their statues?'
We forgive Mr. Parnell his zeal for Earl Fitzwilliam, as we were inclined to do his praise of the Catholic priests, as a good electioneering manquvre; but no electioneering or any other zeal, should induce a writer to suppress the words of his antagonist, and upon such suppression, to found a charge of the inversion of all moral judgment (by which we believe, he means justice). We confess that in our list of Irish viceroys we omitted these two noblemen, but we omitted also several others—Lords Buckingham, Westmorland, Camden, Hardwick, Whitworth, &c. ---and we stated expressly, that in our list, we 'selected only a few,' and selected those who were now no more,'—and this we did to avoid all pretence for the very imputation, which Mr. Parnell has now made, of undue partiality.
We have now gone through every one of Mr. Parnell's charges as fully as our limits would allow; and now we ask has he substantiated one of them-grave or gay, light or serious always excepting that unhappy error of mistaking him for King O'Tool? And has he given any thing like a defence of any one of that series of absurdities which has made his Maurice and Berghetta the jest book of the united kingdom wherever it has been read or heard of?
Having thus replied to our Critic, we think it right to add, that, with the exception of his electioneering flatteries, we really believe that Mr. Parnell's motives are sincerely honest—that
he would do good if he knew how—and that any blame which his works may incur should be attributed to his capacity, or rather his incapacity. But he is certainly singularly disqualified by his mind and character from being a useful public man; as we could easily shew, were this the place for it, by the history of the three Bills (for we believe they never grew into Acts) which he introduced into the House during the last and present parliament.-In a word, whether advanced in a bill or in a novel, in sad reality or fantastic fiction, his theories are the wildest and yet the meanest,the most impracticable, and the most idle even if they could be put in practice, that we have ever witnessed. For these reasons, and because Mr. Parnell is a very likely person to go on writing, and very unlikely to discern the tendency of what he may write, we have thought it advisable to endeavour, once for all, to render his follies innocuous, and to enable our readers to form a fair judgment of what they may expect from any future attempt at domestic or general reform by this amiable but weak, this well-intentioned but extravagant gentleman, who hoped by the agency of a novel to eradicate sedition and potatoes out of Ireland, and who thinks that the example of his hero is, on the whole, beneficial to his countrymen, because, with the little faults of high treason and suicide, he combined a high and ardent love for short handled spades and long handled scythes.
Art. IV.-1. Facts and Observations respecting Canada and the
United States of America; affording a Comparative View of the inducements to Emigration presented in those Countries : to which is added an Appendix of Practical Instructions to Emigrant Settlers in the British Colonies. By Charles F. Grece, Member of the Montreal and Quebec Agricultural Societies and Author of Essays on Husbandry, addressed to the Canadian
Farmers. 8vo. pp. 172. London. 1819. 2. The Emigrant's Guide to Upper Canada; or, Sketches of the
Present State of that Province, collected from u Residence therein during the Years 1817, 1818, 1819. Interspersed with Reflections. By C. Stuart, Esq. Retired Captain of the Honourable the East India Company's Service, and one of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the Western District of Upper
Canada. 12mo. pp. 335. London. 1820. 3. A Visit to the Province of Upper Canada, in 1819. By James
Strachan. 8vo. pp. 224. Aberdeen. 1820. WE E had occasion in a late Number to discuss generally the
subject of emigration; but it is too important a topic to be speedily exhausted of its interest : and the public attention has A A 4
þeen of late so particularly directed to the Cape, that it becomes ą duty to prevent, as far as our intluence extends, an undue neglect of our North American colonies.
In fact, the growth and prosperity of the Cape and of Canada, do not necessarily interfere with each other: both are well deserving the most careful attention of government, and both hold out great advantages to individual emigrants; while these advantages are in many respects, so different in the two colonies, as very materially to lessen the rivalship between them. Those whom health or inclination leads to prefer a much warmer climate than our own, will naturally prefer the Cape: those, on the other hand, who wish for a climate and soil, and produce, and culture, the most nearly approaching that to which they have been accustomed, will be more nearly suited, we apprehend, in Upper Cañada, than in any other spot they can fix upon. The comparative shortness of the voyage also, will be likely to influence the decision of many emigrants; and the number of colonists of British origin already fixed there, will be an inducement to others, especially to such as have connexions or friends among the number. .
. Of those, however, who resolve to settle in North America, a very large proportion fix on some part or other (the western territory especially) of the United States, in preference to our own provinces; a preference which, in many instances at least, arises, as we are convinced on the best authority, partly from the exaggerated descriptions of Mr. Birkbeck and others, of the superior advantages held out by the United States, and partiy from the misapprehensions and misrepresentations which prevail respecting Canada. Of the effect produced by those exaggerations, a remarkable instance has been transmitted to us by a most respectable correspondent in Upper Canada. A person went from the district of Newcastle, (selling his farm there,) and another, from the Bay of Quinty, allured by the hopes of better success in the United States ; one of them looked about for an eligible spot to the north and east of Washington; the other in the western territory: but both ultimately returned, and fised themselves in the settlements which they had quitted. : The ignorance and misrepresentation also with respect to our own provinces are astonishingly great and wide-spread: Lower and Upper Canada are perpetually, even by those who ought to know better, confounded in a great degree in what regards their climate, productions and inhabitants. Many persons have a vague general idea of Canada as a cold uncomfortable. region, inhabited by people of French extraction : but even those whom a glance at the map bas satisfied of the wide interval between the extremities of Lower and of Upper Canada, may not be prepared to
expect (and indeed the interval of latitude is not sufficient to account for it) so great a difference as between five month's of winter and three; or to believe that the Upper Province enjoys, on the whole, a much warmer climate than this island.
We need not indeed wonder at the prevalence of erroneous opinions on this subject among the mass of the community, when we find even official persous stating in general terms, that our North American colonies labour under the disadvantage of a barren soil, and an ungenial climate!' How remote this representation is from the truth may be readily inferred from the remarkable fact, that, notwithstanding the high price of labour, and the utter worthlessness, in most cases, of timber, the settler not only can always find persons willing to clear his land for him, on condition of having the first crop from it, but is considered as having made, if he resorts to this method, a very disadvantageous bargain, and much overpaid the labour. Nor can that be called an ungenial climate which brings to perfection, not only all the fruits of the earth which this country can boast, but others, which we
are precluded from cultivating. We need only mention the maize or Indian-corn, which would be an invaluable acquisition to the British agriculturist, if our ordinary summers were sufficient to ripen it, from its producing on moderate soils an immense return, frequently above sixty bushels per acre, of a grain particularly serviceable in feeding all kinds of cattle and poultry, and furnishing several nutritious and not unpalatable articles of diet for man.
Strongly impressed with the importance of our Canadian possessions, and the desirableness of having some authentic and practical information respecting them as widely diffused as possible, we were much gratified with the appearance of the works whose titles are prefixed to this Article.
Mr. Grece's is evidently the production of a plain, sensible, practical man. He has manifestly no great skill or experience in authorship; but, what is much more important, he seems to possess those requisites in the subject of which he treats; and it is no slight recommendation to the greater part of his readers, and we may add, to his reviewers, that he seems altogether exempt from the ambition of making a book, and conveys bis information briefly and plainly, with the air of a man who writes, not because he wunts to say something, but because he has something to say.
As a Canadian, his statement of the comparative advantages of settling in his own country, and in the United States, will naturally be exposed to the suspicion of partiality: but those who will judge for themselves by a perusal of his book, cannot fail, we think, to be impressed with an appearance of candour and veracity;