cies of the case, except by revolution, which is now throwing the whole country into the gulf of ruin.

To show the inefficiency and weakness of the Federal Government, Dr. Cheever, in his antiBritish organ, the Principia, May 22, 1860, says: "The States are supreme for wickedness, but the United States is impotent for protection and justice. The government of the individual State may compel the government of the United States to respect slavery, but the United States cannot compel the individual State to respect freedom. The government of the individual State may prevent the United States from making a slave of one of its citizens, but the United States cannot protect one of its citizens from being made a slave by the States." And it is thus the case now stands between the Federal Government and the loyal slaveholding States of Missouri, Kentucky, and Delaware; whilst, what is the worst of all, the slaves in those States have no access to the seat of power, or constitutional means of redress, and if they should attempt to run away, the loyal slaveholder could follow them to the steps of the national capitol, or into the White House, the President's mansion, at Washington, and claim and seize his "chattels personal," and drag them back into bondage. What a country to claim analogy with Great Britain!

But it is added by the Federalists, in the language of Mrs. Stowe, "step after step has been

taken for liberty, chain after chain has fallen, till the march of our armies is choked and clogged by the glad flocking of emancipated slaves; the day of final emancipation is set; the border States begin to move in a voluntary consent; universal freedom for all dawns like the sun in the distant horizon, and still no voice from England." No voice of sympathy and encouragement! No. The people of England don't believe in the gospel of emancipation by the sword. As one of her noble sons has recently said, "Ours is not a gospel of blood and lust, to be enforced by the torches of Butler's negro brigade, and the bayonets of Siegel's German mercenaries."

Besides, the Rev. Newman Hall, a votary of the Federalists, frankly avows, "We must be blind if we do not see how, by the operation of natural causes, God is punishing chiefly the South as the perpetrator of the wickedness, but also the North, for long and guilty connivance. There has been wicked compromise. To uphold a constitution of man's devising, God's laws have been set at nought. Slavery has been sanctioned and guaranteed in order to preserve the Union, and now, by that very slavery, the Union is broken up."

There has been wicked compromise. No one has been more guilty of compromise than Mrs. Stowe, shewn in her description of Mrs. Shelby, whom in her key she makes a "Lady pious slaveholder;" and also in her appeal, in the same Key,

We loathe them as the

to a class of men, whom she calls "Christian slavetraders." Newman Hall says, "We cannot have sympathy with impenitent slavers. We cannot admit them to our holy sacraments, for they are violating every law of humanity, and trampling on the Gospel they have the audacity to profess. We dare not bid them, God speed. We cannot sit at the same table with them. We shrink from receiving them into our houses. Our hand is polluted by grasping theirs. representatives of the concentration of all villanies. They know it. Can there ever be alliance between us? Mrs. Stowe says, Yes. Do you ask how? By throwing over them a mantle of piety, and calling them Christians. And in view of which Mrs. Stowe may suppress her resentment and withhold her sarcasms at the noble-minded women of Great Britain, who have no wish to be inducted into her creed, or to shout, "Bressed be de Lord," with "Christian slave traders or slaveholders SO called. The women of England, although they have a common origin with Mrs. Stowe, have no common faith with her in "lady pious slaveholding," and no common cause in enforcing emancipation by the cartridge or bayonet.

The Rev. Henry Ward Beecher has generally been a strenuous and ardent supporter of compromises. In a comic sermon which he preached on Thanksgiving Day, Nov. 28, 1861, he said, “A direct political emancipation was impossible. We

were bound to conduct the war in accordance with the constitution, or else acknowledge the failure of our republican institutions. He wished he could declare political emancipation. He wished Adam had not sinned and his posterity been affected. But that did not help the matter. He wished our fathers had stood out against the compromises of the constitution; for a serpent just hatched was not half so dangerous as a full-grown serpent. We had declared our fealty to the constitution, and we could not now break the pact. The war had not driven us into revolution. The constitution was not superior to right, conscience, or liberty; but we must keep our plighted faith, and when we could not abide by our promise, we had better stand apart as two peoples."

And in referring to the present terrible war, Dr. Cheever, in a Memorial adopted by him and others in the Church of the Puritans, New York, Dec. 22, 1862, says, "We believe the whole cause of our disasters to be in our continued complicity with that crime of human slavery, which is the foundation and inspiring demon of the rebellion itself. Had we withdrawn ourselves from that complicity, by obeying the command of God at the outset, the justice and mercy of Heaven were pledged for our protection and success, the Divine frown would have been upon our enemies, we would have secured the blessing of God, and commanded the sympathy and respect of all nations.

"But the moment we ourselves re-entered into complicity with the very wickedness which was the foundation of the rebellion, we threw away the immense superiority of our moral position, descended to a level with that of the rebels, deprived ourselves of the possibility of appealing, as Our fathers did in the war of the Revolution, to the Judge of all the earth for the justice of our cause and the rectitude of our intentions; and went so far as to inform foreign nations that no moral principle was involved in our quarrel, and that the position of every state and all persons should be the same as before. This annoucement was sufficient to set both God and man against us.

"We chose war without emancipation, and God gave us our request with disaster and defeat as the consequence. We have ourselves deliberately built up and prolonged the confederate treason, by the determination to avoid striking at its cause. We have provoked the indignation and challenged the avenging justice of the Almighty, by resolving that we would not decree the deliverance of the enslaved till this measure should become a necessity indispensable to the existence of our own government. And even now, when calamity and defeat have pressed us to this movement, we have taken all the dignity and virtue from it, by declaring it to be adopted as a mere military necessity, and by combining with it the offer of continued slavery to as many rebel states as will return to practise that