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§ 144. Wie oben das adverb mæst, so ist auch in einem falle das adverb eal der kasusausgleichung zum opfer gefallen und damit zum attributiven adjektiv geworden.

ae. 7 hi comon unwar on heom on ealne ærne mergen 7 fela godra manna þær ofslogon Sax. Chron. 1050.

Das ergebnis ist dasselbe wie bei dem afrz. nfrz. tout und dem deutschen 'ganz' (in einigen dialekten: 'ein ganzer kleiner mann' für ein ganz kl. m.').

§ 145. Im übrigen bietet das attributive pronomen nichts interessantes. Dass es die determinierenden und besitzanzeigenden fürwörter nur in der nachstellung duldet, ist bekannt. Höchstens wäre zu erwähnen, dass allerdings erst in später zeit und nur vorübergehend die ersteren fürwörter sich auch in der voranstellung finden in angleichung an die behandlung des gewöhnlichen adjektivs whole, dessen stellung ja anderseits gelegentlich durch die von all beeinflusst wird (whole the statt the whole, sieh Wortstellung, Anglia XVIII, p. 161). ae. wærun dine ealle gebann æðele Ps. 118, 86.

me. per nas prince in the al worlde of so noble fame Rob. of Gl. v. 367, his al loue Pecock's Repr. 298, Ech preest, which shulde folewe thilk ensaumpling thoruz the all fulnes and likenes of it ib. 313.

§ 146. Einen anderen seltsamen gebrauch, der sich gleichfalls in Pecock's Repressor, und zwar (bis jetzt) nur in ihm gefunden hat, will ich hier nur registrieren, da ich eine befriedigende erklärung desselben nicht zu geben im stande bin.

Der gebrauch besteht darin, dass all dort erscheint, wo wir both zu sehen erwarten: the preestis and peple fillen doun kneling with alle the knees to the grounde Repr. 204, the principal preest with the queer schal falle doun to grounde .... upon alle the knees ib. 206.

Zickners vermutung (in Syntax und Stil in R. Pecock's Repressor, Diss. Greifswald, Berlin 1900, p. 38), dies alle the könnte aus ealra heora entstanden sein, ist eine keineswegs glückliche zu nennen.

§ 147. Auch den unbestimmten artikel kann das attributive all zu sich nehmen und zwar in anlehnung an each und andere pronominaladjektive (sieh Wortstellung a. a. o. p. 164 ff.) in der zwischenstellung:

spae. wel pu myhtes faren al a dæis fare, sculdest thu neure finden man in tune sittende Sax. Chron. 1137.

me. pez in al a contray bot tueie schrewes were Judas Isc. 67, al a lond Rob. of Gl. 6837, pis sal be lastand all a day Cursor M. 22685,

380

E. EINENKEL, DAS INDEFINITUM.

That thennes wold it noght in al a tyde Ch. II 185, And able for to helpen al a schire ib. 19, The fuyr of it wol lasten al a yer id. III 310, Though I hadde studied al a weke Morris' Ch. V 112 (Dream!).

§ 148. Verstärkt wird all in tautologischer weise durch die beifügung von whole:

me. al the hool teching Pecock's Repr. 15.

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Iuoryn, to whom he shewed all the hole mater as ye haue

herde Berners' Huon p. 163.

HALLE A/S.

(Fortsetzung folgt.)

E. EINENKEL.

MISTAKE OF FRENCH AND

GERMAN CRITICS, AS TO THE CHAPLAINCY OF GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH.

An extract from a letter of mine to G. F. Warner, Assistant Keeper of the Dept. of Mss., Brit. Mus. dated 6 July 1899.1)

"Owen Jones (father of the Architect) bore the sole expense of the Myryrian Archaiology: (3 vols. 1801-7). The two literary Editors were Edward Williams (commonly known by his Bardic name, Iolo Morganwg, i. e. Edward of Glamorgan), and William Owen (afterwards Owen Pughe). It was in vol. II (if I memember rightly) that the Gwentian Brut (one of the Chronicles founded upon the work of Caradoc of Llancarvan) made its first appearance. It was not then furnished with an English translation: so Schulz probably never mastered it.

"But W. Owen (the Editor) used this Brut in a little rubbishy volume called Cambrian Biography (London, 1803). At p. 143 he gives a brief account of Geoffrey, saying that he became Chaplain of "Count William" son of "Count Robert". This is a passage quoted from the Brut, which comes immediately after some account of the Earls of Gloucester. Schulz, a good fellow, but too apt to blunder, in the Preface to his edition of Geoffrey (p. VII), names "Count William" as the son of Robert of Normandy!

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1) Durch die gütige vermittelung herrn prof. Suchier's erhalten wir obige nachträge zur biographie des Geoffrey of Monmouth von der hand des verdienstvollen verfassers des Catalogue of Romances, Harry L. D. Ward. D. Herausgeber.

Anglia. N. F. XII.

26

"I did not think this worth mentioning in my Catalogue. But, when I saw the Mistake repeated by Gaston Paris in Romania (tome XII. p. 174, note 4), and again by Zimmer, Nennius Vindicatus (Berlin, 1893) pp. 277-8, I wrote to G. P.

He told me that he would correct the mistake, in a notice of Zimmer's book. - However, G. P. still clung to his notion, that Geoff. had passed his younger life in France. He said that Geoff. always means Great Britain, when he speaks of Britannia, and always calls Brittany by the old name, Armorica. - Consequently, he argues that when Geoff. says that Archdeacon Walter brought him the book (the History of the old kings of Britain) "ex Britannia", Geoff. himself must have been on the Continent.

"Now, Geoff. only deals with the kings before 689. Naturally, then, he calls Brittany Armorica; just as an historian of the Roman Empire would call France Gallia. But even in the course of his history, he 5 times mentions that it is now called Britannia.

These 5 times are as follows:

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p. 70. Speaking

(1). From Schulz, Lib. V. Cap. XII. of 'Maximianus', Geoff. says that Britain was not enough for him, and he thought of subduing Gaul: "Ut ergo transfretavit, adiit primitus Armoric[an]um regnum, quod nunc Britannia dicitur": - etc. (2). Schulz, lib. V. cap. XVI (p. 73). When "Maximianus" had been killed at Rome by the friends of Gratianus, the "Britones", whom he was leading, "ad concives suos venerunt ad Armoricam, quæ jam altera Britannia vocabatur".

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(3). Schulz, lib. VI. cap. IV. (p. 76). "transfretavit Guetelinus Londoniensis Archiepiscopus in minorem Britanniam, quæ tunc Armorica sive Letavia dicebatur." (4). Schulz, lib. XI. cap. X. (p. 161.) After having told of the ravages of Gormund the African, he says: "Plures etiam Armoricanam Britanniam maximo navigio petiverunt".

(5). Schulz, lib. XII. cap. V. (p. 166). - King Salomon speaks to the Envoys of Cadwallo, saying: "Dumque hujus meæ Britanniæ"

etc.

In his short Epilogue (Lib. XII, cap. XX) Geoff. leaves ancient History behind him, and playfully warns his living contemporaries, Caradoc of Llancarvan, Malmesbury, and Huntingdon, not to treat of the old British kings, because they have not possession of that book in the British language, which Archdeacon Walter brought "ex Britannia". And here surely, "Britannia" stands for that "Armoric[an]um regnum, quod nunc Britannia dicitur".

POSTSCRIPT TO THE ARTICLE

UPON GEOFFREY IN THE CATALOGUE OF ROMANCES, VOL. 1. (1883).

At pp. 204-6 I made 2 Statements (as to dates, etc.) about the period of the connection of Geoffrey with Archdeacon Walter of Oxford, and also with Bishop Alexander of Lincoln, (the diocese to which the Archdeaconry of Oxford then belonged).

But I find that I then omitted a 3rd piece of evidence, that would serve to make the other two more complete; although it had been copied by Sir Thomas Phillipps, and printed for the Archæological Institute, as far back as 1851 (see Archæological Journal, vol. VIII. pp. 286-7).

This additional piece of evidence appears in two Grants, copied from a Godstow Register, which has been apparently transcribed (according to Phillipps) about 1420. The Register used to be in the Remembrancer of the Exchequer's Office (Carlton Ride). It is now in the Record Office (Queen's Remembrancer): - Miscellaneous Books, vol. 20.

When we have inserted these 2 Godstow Grants (as No. 3), the Statements will appear as follows:

(1). 1129. Gaufr' Artur witnessed the Foundation charter of Oseney Abbey in Conjunction with Archd" Walter. (2). 1135 (or there-abouts). Geoffrey had hardly got halfway (he tells us) in his Historia, when Bp. Alexander asked him to translate Merlin's Prophecies into Latin; and a passage of this translation "de libello Merlini"

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