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Extract of a Letter from Mr. Erving to the Secretary of State, dated Oct. 8, 1816.

"IN my despatch, No. 18, I mentioned that Mr. Cevallos, in conversation on the 21st of September, had promised to answer my note to him of September 19th. He was afterwards, for several days, so wholly occupied with the marriage ceremonies that not the least attention to any other kind of business could be expected; but these terminated, on the 3d inst. I wrote to him unofficially a note, of which the enclosed paper (No. 1.) is a copy; and on the 5th I again waited on him to press him for the answer which he had promised. On this occasion I observed to him that since, by his note of the 15th September, he had not assigned any sufficient motives for the determination of his majesty to transfer the negotiations to Washington, it had been incumbent on me to ascertain what they might be, and to submit them to my government.

"It was with this intent that I had sought the interview of September 17th, and had stated the substance of our conversation in my note to him of the 19th, which with his reply would be sufficient for my purpose: that without explanation, the mere notification of his majesty's determination, contained in his excellency's note, would have a very extraordinary appearance, to say the least; my government had sent me with powers and instructions to negotiate, I had opened the matters to be treated on, and waited several weeks for an answer, when I was told his majesty had determined to empower Mr. Onis. Under such circumstances must it not be concluded, either that the Spanish government by this measure sought to avoid or to delay an arrangement, or that it had some personal objection to myself. Hence the necessity of an explanation. Mr. Cevallos answered that the motives to the measure were what he had before assigned, and that I must not allow myself to imagine that either the king or himself had the least objection personal to me; on the contrary, it would give him, Mr. Cevallos, peculiar pleasure to settle the business with me, if it were possible for him to attend to it; finally, that since I considered it important that my note should be answered, I should have the answer forthwith.

"Yesterday, the 7th, I received the note of the same date of which the enclosed paper No. 2, is a copy. In this you observe, sir, that Mr. Cevallos speaks of full powers' to Mr. Onis, and the object in sending them to be the more

expeditious termination of existing questions. In eonversa tion, Mr. Cevallos told me, that the instructions to Mr. Onis, would comprise all the matters mentioned in my note of August 26th; but he has not thought proper in this last communication, to reply specially to the question put on that subject, in my note of 19th ultimo; indeed it was impossible for him to answer that note, and say less than he has done; he seems to have written, merely to get rid of importunity, by tranquillizing what he supposes to be my personal apprehensions.

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My despatches, (Nos. 18, 19, and 20,) will accompany this, as well as those of the Spanish government for Mr. Onis, which are to be ready within a few days. Considering the peculiar importance of these communications, I have concluded to send them by Mr. Brent to the port of Bordeaux, from whence it seems to be more probable that a speedy conveyance for the United States will be found, than either from Cadiz or Lisbon. Mr. Brent will proceed to the United States, if he should find a suitable vessel bound home. On account of the lateness of the season, I have thought it right to leave this point to his own discretion, instructing him, however, to make the voyage, (in whatever vessel,) unless he should find at Bordeaux some American going to the United States, under whose care he shall consider the despatches to be as perfectly secure as under his own.

"I beg leave, on this occasion, to express to you my particular satisfaction with the services of Mr. Brent, who unites in his character all the qualities which make a man of business, and a valuable publick officer."

No. 2.

Copy of a Letter from Mr. Cevallos to Mr. Erving. Sr. Don Jorge Erving, &c.

Muy sor mio. En contestacion a la nota de vs de 19 del pasado debo decirle que la determinacion del Rey de que se remite un pleno poder a Don Luis de Onis, procede del deseo de terminar mas pronto las contestaciones pendientes sinque en esto haya intervenido la menor personalidad.

Me repito a la disposicion de vs y ruego a Dios ge. su vida ms. as. a Palacio 7 de Octubre, 1816.

B. L. M. de VS Su mas ats. y segs servt.

PEDRO CEVALLOS.

Translation of a Letter from Mr. Cevallos to Mr. Erving, dated Oct. 7, 1816.

SIR,-In answer to your note of the 19th of the last month, I have to say to you, that the determination of the king that a full power should be sent to don Luis de Onis, proceeds from the desire of sooner terminating the pending disputes, and that it is unconnected with any personal considerations.

I renew to you, &c.

PEDRO CEVALLOS.

INAUGURAL SPEECH

OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. MARCH 4, 1817.

I SHOULD be destitute of feeling, if I was not deeply affected by the strong proof which my fellow citizens have given me of their confidence, in calling me to the high office whose functions I am about to assume. As the expression of their good opinion of my conduct in the publick service, I derive from it a gratification, which those who are conscious of having done all that they could to merit it, can alone feel. My sensibility is increased by a just estimate of the importance of the trust, and of the nature and extent of its duties; with the proper discharge of which, the highest interests of a great and free people are intimately connected. Conscious of my own deficiency, I cannot enter on these duties without great anxiety for the result. From a just responsibility I will never shrink; calculating with confidence, that in my best efforts to promote the publick welfare, my motives will always be duly appreciated, and my conduct be viewed with that candour and indulgence which I have experienced in other stations.

In commencing the duties of the chief executive office, it has been the practice of the distinguished men who have gone before me, to explain the principles which would govern them in their respective administrations. In fol. lowing their venerated example, my attention is naturally drawn to the great causes which have contributed, in a

principal degree, to produce the present happy condition of the United States. They will best explain the nature of our duties, and shed much light on the policy which ought to be pursued in future.

From the commencement of our revolution to the present day, almost forty years have elapsed, and from the establishment of this constitution, twenty-eight. Through this whole term, the government has been, what may emphatically be called, self-government; and what has been the effect? To whatever object we turn our attention, whether it relates to our foreign or domestick concerns, we find abundant cause to felicitate ourselves in the excellence of our institutions. During a period fraught with difficulties, and marked by very extraordinary events, the United States have flourished beyond example. Their citizens, individually, have been happy, and the nation prosperous.

Under this constitution, our commerce has been wisely regulated with foreign nations, and between the states; new states have been admitted into our union; our territory has been enlarged, by fair and honourable treaty, and with great advantage to the original states; the states, respectively, protected by the national government, under a mild, parental system, against foreign dangers, and enjoying within their separate spheres, by a wise partition of power, a just proportion of the sovereignty, have improved their police, extended their settlements, and attained a -strength and maturity, which are the best proofs of wholesome laws, well administered. And if we look to the condition of individuals, what a proud spectacle does it exhibit! On whom has oppression fallen in any quarter of our union? Who has been deprived of any right of person or property? Who restrained from offering his vows, in the mode which he prefers, to the Divine Author of his being? It is well known, that all these blessing have been enjoyed in their fullest extent; and I add, with peculiar satisfaction, that there has been no example of a capital punishment being inflicted on any one for the crime of high

treason.

Some, who might admit the competency of our government to these beneficent duties, might doubt it in trials which put to the test its strength and efficiency, as a member of the great community of nations. Here, too, experience has afforded us the most satisfactory proof in its

favour. Just as this constitution was put into action, seve ral of the principal states of Europe had become much agitated, and some of them seriously convulsed. Destruc tive, wars ensued, which have, of late only, been terminated. In the course of these conflicts, the United States received great injury from several of the parties. It was their interest to stand aloof from the contest; to demand justice from the party committing the injury; and to cultivate, by a fair and honourable conduct, the friendship of all. War became, at length, inevitable, and the result has shown, that our government is equal to that, the greatest of trials, under the most unfavourable circumstances. Of the virtue of the people, and of the heroick exploits of the army, the navy, and the militia, I need not speak.

Such, then, is the happy government under which we live; a government adequate to every purpose for which the social compact is formed; a government elective in all its branches, under which every citizen may, by his merit, obtain the highest trust recognized by the constitution; which contains within it no cause of discord; none to put at variance one portion of the community with another; a government which protects every citizen in the full enjoyment of his rights, and is able to protect the nation against injustice from foreign powers.

Other considerations of the highest importance admonish us to cherish our union, and to cling to the government which supports it. Fortunate as we are, in our political institutions, we have not been less so in other circumstances, on which our prosperity and happiness essentially depend. Situated within the temperate zone, and extending through many degrees of latitude along the Atlantick, the United States enjoy all the varieties of climate, and every production incident to that portion of the globe. Penetrating, internally, to the great lakes, and beyond the sources of the great rivers which communicate through our whole interior, no country was ever happier with respect to its domain. Blessed, too, with a fertile soil, our produce has always been very abundant, leaving, even in years the least favourable,' a surplus for the wants of our fellow men in other countries. Such is our peculiar felicity, that there is not a part of our union that is not particularly interested in preserving it. The great agricultural interest of the nation prospers under its protection. Local interests are not less fostered by it. Our

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