WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Wednesday, Sept. 3, 1794.

DEAR SIR:

As I know nothing that calls me to the city to-day, I shall not be there until to-morrow, which will be in time for common

occurrences.

The contents of the inclosed are agreeable.

Yours always.

JAY TO HAMILTON.

LONDON, Sept. 11, 1794.

DEAR SIR:

I had last week the pleasure of receiving from you a few lines by Mr. Blaney. You will receive this letter by the hands of Mr. Morris. He will also be the bearer of my dispatches to Mr. Randolph; they will be voluminous, particular, and in many respects interesting. It should not be forgotten, that there is ir ritation here as well as in America, and that our party processions, toasts, rejoicings, &c., &c., have not been well calculated to produce good will and good humor. The government nevertheless distinguishes between national acts and these party effusions, and have entertained hitherto an opinion and belief, that the President, and our government and nation in general, were really desirous of an amicable settlement of differences, and of laying a foundation for friendship, as well as peace, between the two countries.

The Secretary's letters by Mr. Monroe, and his speech on his introduction to the convention, have appeared in the English papers. Their impression in this country may easily be conjectured. I wish they had both been more guarded. The language of the United States at Paris and at London should correspond

with their neutrality. These things are not favorable to my mission.

A speedy conclusion to the negotiation is problematical, though not highly improbable. If I should be able to conclude the business on admissible terms, I shall do it, and risk consequences, rather than by the delays of waiting for, and covering myself by opinions and instructions, hazard a change in the disposition of this court; for it seems our country, or rather some parts of it, will not forbear asperities. I hear that Virginia is taking British property by escheat; and other things which in the present moment are unreasonable are here reported.

As the proposed articles are under consideration, as they have already undergone some alterations, and as I am not without hopes of other and further amendments, I really think they ought not to be published in their present crude state; especially as in the course of a few weeks I expect to be able to communicate their ultimate form. If then they should not appear to me to be such as I ought to sign, I will transmit them and wait for .further instructions.

There is something very pleasant in the reflection that while war, discord, and oppression triumph in so many parts of Europe, their domination does not extend to our country. I sometimes flatter myself that Providence, in compassion to the afflicted in these countries, will continue to leave America in a proper state to be an asylum to them.

Among those who have suffered severely from these evils, is Mons. De Rochefoucauld Liancourt, formerly President of the National Assembly of France. His rank and character are

known to you.

He will be the bearer of this letter, and I am

persuaded that his expectations from it will be realized.

Yours sincerely.

HAMILTON TO RANDOLPH.

Remarks on Lord Grenville's project of a commercial treaty, made at the request of E. Randolph, Esq., Secretary of State.

1794.

A.-Inasmuch as the light-house duties which are excepted, constitute an additional charge on vessels of the United States beyond those of Great Britain in British ports, this article, which puts British vessels in our ports exactly upon the same footing with ours, wants reciprocity. But the most important consideration will be, that as the distinctions which now exist between foreign and our own vessels are really of importance to our trade, our merchants will see them relinquished with reluctance, unless there be some clear equivalent. If the stipulation extends to duties on goods brought in British bottoms, the conclusion is so much the stronger.

B. This article in its operation wants reciprocity. The British system contains now numerous prohibitions, ours none. To fix this state of things is to renounce an important right to and place ourselves on an unequal footing. It gives a claim to some equivalent.

C.-It may be supposed that the equivalent in both cases is to be found in this article. It would be so, (excepting one circumstance that will be presently mentioned,) if the duration of the privileges granted was coextensive with that of the other parts of the treaty. But the short term of the privileges here proposed to be granted renders them of inconsiderable value. The proviso, too, prohibits vessels of the United States from carrying "West India" productions from the British Islands or

the United States to any other parts of the world. If this prohibition is to be taken in a literal sense and to extend to the West India possessions of other countries than Great Britain, it would be to renounce a valuable branch of trade now enjoyed, and probably more than would be gained.

D. The article giving a duration of twelve years to the treaty as it respects the trade with Europe, and of only two years as it respects the West Indies, will be very unacceptable. It will be more so as the project does not even secure the status quo with the European dominions of Great Britain; that is, it does not secure the particular privileges and exemptions which we now enjoy by proclamation compared with other foreign nations.

Mr. Hamilton communicates these remarks in personal confidence to Mr. Randolph, with this request, that no copy of them may be taken, and that this paper may be returned, after it serves the purpose for which these remarks were requested.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 19th, 1794.

SIR:

Upon full reflection I entertain an opinion, that it is advisable for me, on public ground, considering the connection between the immediate ostensible cause of the insurrection in the western country and my department, to go out upon the expedition against the insurgents. In a government like ours, it cannot but have a good effect for the person who is understood to be the adviser or proposer of a measure, which involves danger to his fellow-citizens, to partake in that danger: while, not to do it, might have a bad effect. I, therefore, request your permission for the purpose.

My intention would be not to leave this till about the close of the month, so as to reach one of the columns at its ultimate point of rendezvous. In the mean time, I take it for granted,

General Knox will arrive, and the arrangements which will be made will leave the Treasury Department in a situation to suffer no embarrassment by my absence; which, if it be thought necessary, may terminate about or shortly after the meeting of Con

gress.

With perfect respect, and the truest attachment, I have, &c.

PROCLAMATION.

September 25th, 1794.

By the President of the United States of America.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas, from a hope that the combinations against the Constitution and laws of the United States, in certain of the western. counties of Pennsylvania, would yield to time and reflection, I thought it sufficient, in the first instance, rather to take measures for calling forth the militia than immediately to embody them; but the moment is now come when the overtures of forgiveness, with no other condition than a submission to law, have been only partially accepted; when every form of conciliation, not inconsistent with the being of government, has been adopted without effect; when the well-disposed in those counties are unable by their influence and example to reclaim the wicked from their fury, and are compelled to associate in their own defence; when the proffered lenity has been perversely misinterpreted into an apprehension that the citizens will march with reluctance; when the opportunity of examining the serious consequences of a treasonable opposition has been employed in propagating principles of anarchy, endeavoring, through emissaries, to alienate the friends of order from its support, and inviting its enemies to perpetrate similar acts of insurrection; when it is manifest that violence would continue to be exercised upon every attempt to enforce the laws; when, therefore, government is set at defiance,