the very great improvement in this Act upon former similar Acts, I have reluctantly decided to give the Act my official sanction. D. H. CHAMBERLAIN,

Governor.

The following graphic letter, written not long after the events recorded in this chapter, and addressed to a friend in Augusta, Ga., reveals how the Governor's course, thus far, had affected an influential class of citizens not heretofore disposed to believe that any Republican could possess the virtues held in honor by South Carolinians. The writer, Col. Pelham, was formerly a professor in the South Carolina University at Columbia, was for many years a well-known editorial writer, and at the time of these events was the editor of the Columbia Daily Phonix. He was ever an ardent South Carolinian and Democrat, and was distinguished as a gentleman of fine tastes and high culture.

DEAR COLONEL :

COLUMBIA, Feb. 3, 1875.

The old State is passing through a new phase of experience. I do not know where it will land us. At any rate, Chamberlain interests us all. I had no faith in him when he was elected. He seemed to us capable of doing more injury than his "pals," and not really disposed to do more good. He made fair promises when he took office. Some of our best people were quite taken by his words and manner. Of course we always admitted his unusual ability. He is in fact a remarkable man in this respect, a fine orator, scholar, and lawyer-leads an irreproachable private life, and has evidently, as he always has had, as little as possible to do with his party. I am compelled to say I have changed my views of him, but I shall wait a good while yet before I believe in him. . . . One incident I will relate. He went into office the first of December last. Following right after his brave words, the "niggers and scalawags passed a legislative appropriation bill which was only a trifle better than those of Scott's and Moses' days. Chamberlain approved it, but sent in a message which virtually said that he ought to have vetoed it. I believed, and so said at the time in the Phenix, that this was due to cowardice. Chamberlain said in private that it was not good policy to make the fight on matters that were even a small improvement on the past, but I gave him no credit for sincerity.

Last month' a judge was to be elected for the Charleston circuit. Whipper, the blackest rascal and the most rascally black in the State, set himself up as a candidate. The "nigger" Solons met in caucus to

1 That the occasion seemed less distant than it was in fact evidences the vividness of the impression produced.

endorse Whipper. Following their custom, they invited Chamberlain as Governor to the caucus. I attended to see the fun. To the surprise

of nearly all Chamberlain came, though Sam. Melton had told a few of us that he was going to come and oppose Whipper. Trescot and a knot of us were in the hall. Chamberlain came in quietly and sat down in the rear of the hall, quite out of sight. I watched him closely. Whipper was on the stage haranguing his followers, and espying Chamberlain, he launched into a fierce attack on him as a Cæsar who wished to break down the party etc., and elect a white man. The moment Chamberlain heard this, he rose coolly from his seat and walked down the aisle, in sight of all, and took a seat directly in front of Whipper, who went on with the bitterest denunciations, and wound up by daring him to come on the platform and face those who had elected him. For one I did not imagine Chamberlain would open his mouth. It looked like something worse than a "forlorn hope." Smalls, who presided, followed up Whipper by inviting "His Excellency," in tones meant to be sarcastic, to address the caucus. looked like "rubbing it in ”!

This

Chamberlain calmly arose and stepped upon the stage. The negroes were apparently stunned at his audacity. He began by speaking of the importance of the office of judge for Charleston and the proper qualifications of a candidate. He said there were three candidates, Whipper, Baker, and Reed. Whipper, he said, was totally unfit in character and attainments. These words fairly cowed his hearers. Whipper, however, rose pale, if blackness can be pale, with rage, and advancing towards the stage demanded to know on what ground the Governor attacked his character. "On the ground," replied Chamberlain, “ that you have embezzled three thousand dollars of the sinking fund, for one thing." And then waving him off, he proceeded to go over Whipper's career without mercy. The burly carcass of Smalls shrank in his seat; the negroes were dazed, but no one dared to interrupt him again, and an adjournment was carried as soon as he finished. I said then, as I say now, it was the finest specimen of intellectual, if not moral, courage and address I have ever seen. You know the result. It turned the scale. Whipper was defeated and Reed elected. Most of the negroes voted for Whipper, but the Governor held enough, with the Democrats, to carry the election. Our fear was that the speech had so maddened the negroes as to make Whipper's election certain. Trescot said to Chamberlain, after his speech, "C'est magnifique, mais ce n'est pas la guerre"; but it was war and victory too.

But that

Since that night I have a different idea of Chamberlain, though I trust him yet only so far as he goes and does well. he is not "afeard I now admit.

Governor Chamberlain's Message to the Legislature Supplementary to His Inaugural Address-Full Review of the Condition of the Departments of Administration-Explicit Recommendation of Radical Reform Measures-Public Duty before Party-Approving Comments of the South Carolina Press.

ΤΗ

HE reassembling of the Legislature after the recess was on January 3, 1875. A few days later, Governor Chamberlain sent to it a Message which embraced information in detail, presented with care and exactness, supplementary to his Inaugural Address. He recognized that in the work of reform he had set himself to attempt, the intelligent co-operation of the Legislature would be necessary. To secure such co-operation it was important that its members should be informed of the actual condition of the State's affairs, and of his understanding of the gravity of existing evils, as well as of the means of restoring soundness and honor.

It may appear to persons whose lives have been passed in communities where the citizens "from their youth up" are instructed in public affairs and the law-makers are fairly representative of the best intelligence, that Governor Chamberlain, in his communications to the Legislature, assumed somewhat the tone of a mentor; but if the circumstances are duly considered it will be recognized that he assumed in this regard no more than was justifiable and sagacious. The majority of those whose aid he hoped to win had but brief experience in the rights and obligations even of private citizenship, and had been advanced to the duties and responsibilities of public office while they were immature in freedom and untrained in civic virtues. Moreover, they had been misdirected at the start, their aims perverted and their motives debauched, by vicious examples. Therefore Governor Chamberlain's task was to instruct by exposition and pre

cept as well as by suggestion and example. He had to demonstrate the mistakes of the past to the apprehension of those who were in a degree responsible for them, and had made money by them. He had to create in his associates of his own party that ideal of patriotic duty which enables men to suppress the instincts of selfishness, and put aside the temptations of personal interest. It will hardly be disputed that the conditions demanded extraordinary wisdom and tact, thorough mastery of facts, high courage, and undespairing patience. The Message of January 12, 1875, is here given.

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, COLUMBIA, S. C., January 12, 1875.

Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives :

In the Inaugural Address which I had the honor to deliver before the General Assembly, I stated that, "owing to the want of the information to be obtained from the Reports of the various officers in charge of the several departments of the Government and the public institutions," it would become my duty at a subsequent time to present to you some additional information and recommendations concerning several important interests of the State.

In accordance with that announcement, and in the discharge of the duty imposed upon the Governor by the Constitution, "from time to time to give to the General Assembly information of the condition of the State, and to recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary or expedient," I call attention to the serious public inconvenience resulting from the delay on the part of the officers from whom annual Reports are required in furnishing the same. Even at this late day, nearly two months and a half after the close of the last fiscal year, and seven weeks after the annual meeting of the General Assembly, I have barely been able to obtain several of the most important Reports in time to make a brief and imperfect examination. of their contents. My public duty will, perhaps, be discharged by calling your attention to the great detriment thereby occasioned to the public service. If such delays arise from causes beyond the control of our public officers, then, if possible, the General Assembly should remove those causes; but if they arise from other causes, a remedy ought to be devised and applied.

STATE TREASURER'S REPORT.

The Report of the State Treasurer will, I think, be found to be a luminous and complete exhibit of the operations of that department. The observations of the State Treasurer upon the several matters discussed in his Report will likewise deserve your careful consideration.

APPROPRIATIONS AND RECEIPTS.

I desire especially to call attention to the prime importance, as urged by the State Treasurer, of keeping the appropriations within the receipts. This is manifest without argument. All proper deductions should be made from the gross amount of the taxes to be levied, and a rigid estimate, based upon the results of former levies, should be reached before the rate of taxation is fixed. After this has been done, the appropriations from the proceeds of the levies made should never be allowed to exceed, by a single dollar, the estimate of the amount of such proceeds. As the State Treasurer justly remarks: "This is absolutely essential to the restoration of the credit of the State and the success and prosperity of our public institutions."

In this connection, I call attention to the statement on page 12 of the Comptroller General's Report of the total taxable property of the State under the recent assessment, and the amounts to be realized therefrom under the specific levies made by the "Act to raise supplies for the fiscal year commencing November 1, 1874." I am confident the estimates there made are the highest limits which will be reached under those levies. If this be so, it is absolutely necessary that the appropriations to be made at the present session should in no instance exceed the amounts there specified. One palpable departure from this rule has already occurred in the legislative appropriation bill passed at the present session, and I trust no other similar departures will receive the sanction of the General Assembly.

In this connection I call attention to the "estimate of supplies for the support of the State government," at page 101 of the Comptroller General's Report. The whole amount required, according to that estimate, for "salaries and contingent funds," is no less than $212,450; whereas at page 12, of the same report, the whole amount to be realized from the levy made for the same purpose is only $150,476.51. If this estimate, therefore, is made the basis of the appropriations, there will be a deficiency of $61,973.49. It is manifest that such a result must be avoided, and I point it out in order that it may receive the attention which it demands.

OVERDRAWN WARRANTS AND DRAFTS.

I concur especially in the views expressed by the State Treasurer upon the evil and unjust practice which has prevailed of drawing warrants or drafts on the State Treasurer in excess of the appropriations from which they are payable. I think this evil should be checked by immediate legislation. Towards those who, in good faith, accept such overdrafts in payment of dues from the State, such a practice may be properly denounced as fraudulent.

COMPTROLLER GENERAL'S REPORT.

The Report of the Comptroller General presents a well arranged mass of information, which will deserve the consideration of the General Assembly.