17. Upon the subject of deficiencies, already alluded to, the record of Governor Chamberlain is clear and unmistakable. In all of his official communications to the General Assembly, relating to the State finances, the Governor has denounced deficiencies as an intolerable abuse, and has vehemently urged their abolition by keeping the expenditures within the income. In his Inaugural Address he showed that the deficiencies for 1874 were $472,619, and for 1873 were $540,328, and advised that "the amount of money should first be ascertained, and then a levy should be made, adequate to raise that amount." In his first Annual Message he said: The appropriations from the proceeds of the levies made should never be allowed to exceed, by a single dollar, the estimate of the amount of such proceeds." Again, on February 5, 1875, in a letter to the Finance Committee of the Senate, he said: "We can never reform the chief abuses of our past administration of this State Government, unless we pay heed to the rule of making our expenditures fall within our income." What effect did these exhortations have?

The tax levy for 1874-75 was made at the session of 1873-74, and the General Assembly were in possession of an accurate estimate of what that levy would realize. Nevertheless, appropriations were made for the fiscal year which were $180,000 in excess of the possible receipts. To this deficiency must be added the loss by the Solomon Bank failure which (H. J. 1875-76, p. 33) made the total deficiency for 1874-75 (H. J. 1875-76, p. 33) no less than $308,872. The General Assembly (H. J. 1874–75, p. 34) were called upon to levy a tax to pay $249,303 of this deficiency. Notwithstanding, however, the loss by the Solomon Bank, which could not have been anticipated, the deficiencies for 1874-75 were $291,024 less than the deficiencies of 1872-73, and $223,315 less than the deficiencies of 1873-74. This is some improvement, but there would have been no deficiency, except that arising from the failure of the Solomon Bank, had the advice of the Governor been followed. That advice, in brief, was: 1. Reduce expenses to the lowest possible point. 2. Levy a tax sufficient to pay the

expenses.

18. In his Annual Message of January, 1875, Governor Chamberlain exposed the condition of the county finances, urged that the passed indebtedness of the counties be gradually paid by tax levies distributed over two or more years, and, to prevent future deficiencies, recommended that the system of specific levies be applied to county taxes. He advised also (H. J. 1875–76, p. 13) that claims against the counties be properly audited before payment, and be submitted, where practicable, to judicial scrutiny. That the improvement in the fiscal condition of the counties is less than was desired is not the fault of the Executive.

We have now scrutinized, as we undertook to do, the several promises and recommendations contained in the addresses and messages of Governor Chamberlain. It remains only to summarize the results of the investigation.

[Tenth Article-July 18, 1876.]

A SUMMARY.

We have scrutinized, one by one, the most important pledges and recommendations contained in the addresses and messages of Governor Chamberlain since his election, and we now briefly sum up the result of the investigations we have made.

We find that many, if not most, of the urgent and repeated recommendations of the

Governor were disregarded by the Radical Legislature. That body refused to test, even in cities and towns, the wise and beneficent system of minority representation; it refused to provide, as required by the Constitution, for the election of Justices of the Peace and Constables by the people, and for the registration of Electors; it failed to shorten the length of the sessions; it declined to provide a mode of gradually absorbing the bills of the Bank of the State, and did not reduce the public expenditures to the level of the known revenue of the State. Bills covering these different measures of reform were submitted to the Legislature, and were pigeon-holed in committeerooms, or squarely voted down. The blunders thus committed were, in a party sense, worse than crimes. Out of the folly and neglect of the Legislature, combined with its rascality and ignorance, grew the deficiencies which this year embarrass every department of the State Government.

What was accomplished in spite of the passive or active opposition of the Radical majority in the General Assembly is now set forth :

The abuse of the pardoning power has been corrected.

The character of the officers of the government, appointed by the Executive, has been improved, and the sureties upon the bonds of public officers have been required to make affidavit of their ability to meet the liability they assume.

The settlement of the public debt has been maintained unchanged, and faith with the public creditor, so far as depended on executive and legislative action, has been fully kept.

The effort to place the whole of the public funds in two banks of small capital was frustrated, and the State so saved from the danger of far greater loss than was sustained by the failure of the Solomon Bank.

The floating indebtedness of the State has been provided for in such a way that the recognized and valid claims are scaled to one half the amount, and their payment is distributed over a term of four years, resulting in a saving to the State of at least $4,000,000.

The tax laws have been amended so as to secure substantial uniformity and equality in the assessment of property for taxation.

The contingent funds of the Executive Department have been so reduced in amount that the savings in two years, upon the basis of the average of six previous years, is $101,260.

Legislative expenses, in like manner and upon a similar basis, have been so reduced as to save the people, in two years, $350,810.

Legislative contingent expenses, in the same way, have been so reduced as to save to the State $355,000.

In the expenditure of contingent funds accountability and publicity have been secured.

The cost of public printing has been reduced from an annual average of $306,209 to $50,000, saving in two years $512,418.

The salaries of public officers have been reduced $30,000 a year.

The tax levy for the current year for State purposes has been reduced from 131 mills to II mills, a saving to the people of $300,000.

The deficiencies (including the losses by the Solomon Bank) are, for the year 1874-75, $308,872, which is $291,024 less than the deficiencies of 1872-73, and $233,315 less than the deficiencies of 1873-74.

Under the several heads the savings that have actually been made are :

To realize this amount would require a tax of nearly one and a half per cent. Had the appropriations of the past two years been so inordinate as the average of the appropriations aud expenditures of the preceding years, the State taxes of the past two years would have been three fourths per cent. a year more than the outrageous rate actually levied.

This is the record of Governor Chamberlain as shown by hard figures and unmistakable facts. We have strained or exaggerated nothing. The plain truth, as we know it, has been faithfully given. And we maintain that the record, as it stands, is one which Governor Chamberlain has cause to be proud of, that it justifies the support which has been given him, and is a complete answer to those of our friends who think that no act of Governor Chamberlain deserves public commendation but his refusal to issue the commissions to Whipper and Moses. That last act, applauded everywhere in South Carolina, has not been mentioned in these articles. Without it, omitting all notice of the many occasions on which he has defied and overcome the rascally Radical leaders, the record of Governor Chamberlain, in what he did, is an evidence of his own earnestness and sincerity, and, in what he failed to do, is a proof of the obstinacy and venality of the majority of his party.

CHAPTER XIX.

The Hamburg Massacre-Previous Disturbed Condition of Edgefield County-The Governor's Efforts to Secure Peace and Order-Proclamation of June 3, 1876— Comment of the News and Courier-Letter of the Governor to Judge R. B. Carpenter-The Massacre at Hamburg, July 8, 1876—Prompt Action of the Governor-Report of an Investigation by Attorney General Stone-Letter of the Governor to United States Senator Robertson-Comments by the Nation-Letter of the Governor to the President-Comment of the New York Herald-Comment of the News and Courier-Statement of General M. C. Butler-Finding of the Coroner's Inquest-Complicity of Prominent Citizens Alleged-Postponement of Legal Proceedings against Them-Statement of Attorney General Stone-No One Ever Punished for the Crime.

TH

HE county of Edgefield, the hot-bed of uncompromising "Straight-out" sentiment, was a constant occasion of anxiety to the Governor. Lawlessness was its normal condition; and the vicious example of the whites was not without evil influence upon the freedmen. The following documents narrate with sufficient fulness the circumstances of an affair disgraceful to the State and, in its brutality, significant of the temper which was even more horribly shown a few months later at Hamburg. The first is a Proclamation issued in June:

STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA,
EXECUTIVE CHAMBER.

Official information has reached me that on the 23d day of May last six persons, named Austin Davis, Stephen Lake, Larkin Holloway, Jesse Lake, Jefferson Settles, and Marshall Perrin, charged with the murder of John L. Harmon and Catharine A. Harmon, his wife, at a place called Winter Seat, in the County of Edgefield, were forcibly taken. from the Sheriff of Edgefield County by a body of men numbering several hundreds, and immediately shot to death.

The murder of Mr. and Mrs. Harmon, so far as the evidence produced at the coroner's inquest shows, was cold-blooded and fiendish ; but the subsequent killing of those charged with this crime by others than officers of the law, and in a manner not authorized by the law, renders every person engaged in the killing a murderer in the eye of

the law. No plea of provocation, or of the necessity for protection and example can for a moment be admitted to justify such an act.

This State is not a new or imperfectly organized community in which concerted violence must sometimes supplement or supersede the laws. The laws of this State take notice of all crimes and provide punishment for all criminals. The Courts are everywhere accessible and frequent.

Nor were there special circumstances attending this affair which could give occasion or excuse for this defiance and overthrow of the law and its officers. The persons charged with the crime were in the custody of the officers of the law. Escape was impossible. If the county jail was deemed insecure the citizens could have guarded it. A term of the Court of General Sessions was close at hand, a Court in which the presiding Judge and juries could not possibly be charged. with lenity towards such crimes. No ground whatever existed for fearing Executive clemency after due conviction. During the term of office of the present Executive, no person capitally convicted has been pardoned, and the sentence of no person so convicted has been changed by the Executive except upon the urgent and combined recommendation of Court, jury, and citizens.

And yet, in the face of such facts, six citizens covered by the ægis of our laws, their persons inviolable from touch or hurt, except by the hands of the ministers of the law, have been summarily, deliberately, openly, and ruthlessly slain, without legal trial, without proper legal scrutiny of the evidences of their guilt, and without the smallest chance of legal defence. To the horror inspired by the original crime is now added the horror which such lawless vengeance should everywhere inspire. The peace of society was broken by the first crime; but the supremacy of law was overthrown by the second crime.

As the Chief Magistrate of the State, it is my duty to warn my fellowcitizens of the nature and effects of such resort to violence for the punishment of crime, and to call upon all the officers and agents of the law to bring to just account those who have dared to usurp the awful prerogatives with which the lawfully constituted representatives of public justice are alone invested.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the State to be affixed, this third day of June, A.D. 1876, [L. S.] and of the independence of the United States the one hundredth.

D. H. CHAMBERLAIN,

Governor.

By the Governor :

H. E. HAYNE,

Secretary of State.

The following official letter was given to the public at the time of the publication of this Proclamation: