He declared that the task ahead was not a "rosewater affair," that there must be some good hard fighting in order that we may achieve the things that we have set out to achieve. He then hurled a challenge to Big Business that sent a thrill throughout the business world.

"The word that stands at the center of what has to be done is a very interesting word indeed. It has hitherto been supposed to be a word of charity, a word of philanthropy, a word which has to do with the operations of the human heart, rather than with the operations of the human mind. I mean the word 'service.' The one thing that the business men of the United States are now discovering, some of them for themselves, and some of them by suggestion, is that they are not going to be allowed to make any money except for a quid pro quo, that they must render a service or get nothing, and that in the regulation of business the government, that is to say, the moral judgment of the majority must determine whether what they are doing is a service or not a service, and that everything in business and politics is going to be reduced to the standard. 'Are you giving anything to society when you want to take

anything out of society?' is the question to put to them."

The nation read with eagerness that address the next morning. The Pujo Committee was still at work, and there was a panicky feeling along the arteries of business. Editorials larger, yes much larger, than the address appeared. They referred to his "service of humanity" as being somewhat platitudinous. But his reference to Big Business and the necessity for a quid pro quo made this paternalistic government shiver, and Jefferson was quoted to prove that democracy and government had had nothing to do with this quid pro quo. It was said that Mr. Wilson would have so many duties to perform-"the plain, old-fashioned, needful things he will be called upon to do, we are inclined to think, that the realization of the 'vision splendid' by which he at present 'moves attended' may easily be and probably will have to be-for a considerable time postponed." But one thing was admitted, Mr. Wilson spoke very clearly and distinctly, and when he reduced his thoughts to writing, he did use very good English. It was so simple that the plain man could understand it, and the nation would soon learn his theories if he wrote and spoke enough. It did not have to wait long for another word from him. In January, 1913, the President-elect entered the very heart of the Big Business district and spoke

to the Commercial Club of Chicago. "I came," he said, "to ask your counsel and assistance." It was very clear, therefore, that Big Business must really reckon with this educationist who believed in "right and justice," and the Golden Rule. He called their attention to an "inner circle," and to a banking system "that had already been convicted." They were already acquainted with the Pujo committee. He reminded the Club that the business future of this country does not depend on the Government of the United States. "The Government," he said, "cannot build a temper, it cannot generate thought and purpose. Things done under the whip of the law are done sullenly, somewhat reluctantly, and never successfully. I want to take sternness out of the country. I want to see suspicion dissipated."

This Commercial Club, however, seemed to be unable to follow him. But he was determined to be understood, and he continued:

"I want to see the time brought about when the rank and file of the citizens of the United States who have a stern attitude toward the business men of the country shall be absolutely done away with and forgotten. Perfectly honest men are now at a disadvantage in America because business methods in general are not trusted by the people,

taken as a whole. That is unjust to you, it is unjust to everybody with whom business deals and everybody whom business touches.

"In the United States they do not believe-I mean the rank and file of our people do not believe that men of every kind are upon an equality in their access to the resources of the country, any more than they believe that everybody is upon equal terms in his access to the justice of the country. It is believed in this country that a poor man has less chance to get justice administered to him than a rich man. God forbid that that should be generally true."

These remarks were appreciated and applauded. But, when the President-elect suggested his remedy, that "we must see to it that the business of the United States is set absolutely free of every feature of monopoly," the business men gave him a stare and did not respond.

Here Governor Wilson paused, looked around the banquet room, and then added:

"I notice you do not applaud that. I am somewhat disappointed because unless you feel that way the thing is not going to happen except by

duress, which is the worst way to bring anything about, because there will be monopoly in this country until there are no important business men who do not intend to bring it about. I know that when they are talking about that, they say there is not anybody in the United States who ever intended to set up a monopoly. But I know there are some gentlemen who did deliberately go about to set up monopoly. We know that they intended to do it because they did it.

"I don't care how big a particular business gets provided it grows big in contact with sharp competition, and I know that a business based upon genuine capital which has not a drop of water in it can be conducted with greater efficiency and economy than a business that is loaded with water."

The morning after this address the stock market was again unsteady and business was not so good. But what had the President-elect really said? There are dishonest men in business, people do not believe that they can get justice, business relies too much on government, monopolies must go. A few days later he spoke in Trenton, New Jersey, and again his "attack on business" was disconcerting. Now, the very fact that business became excited was either a proof that the