When the conspiracy was conceived, it was thought that the house lacked two votes of the necessary twothirds needed to pass it. Thereupon there was begun a sort of sparring for points in the hope that some kind of a trade or fortuity might come to the surface which would suggest ways to secure the needed two votes. One conception was to the effect that an advantage might be secured by passing a convention resolution by a joint vote of both houses. Pursuant to it, the senate passed such a resolution in effect declaring that if two-thirds of all the members in both houses should recommend the people to vote for or against a constitutional convention, it would answer the formalities of the Constitution. For a test, Field introduced a similar resolution in the house, but it was rejected. The senate then passed the regular convention resolution and sent it over to the house. For purposes of a blind, the pro-slavery people permitted it to lie on the table, while another and similar resolution was introduced into the house. The latter received 22 votes, or just two short of the needed two-thirds. Nicholas Hansen of Pike, voted for it, a member named McFetridge voted against it and Rattan also voted against it for purposes of moving a reconsideration, as has been said. Thus with Rattan's vote, but one vote was needed and that vote the slavery people sought from McFetridge by promises to remove the county seat from Vienna to Bloomfield; promises which never were kept. When that vote had been secured, the slavery people had secured from Rattan's county, a request that he vote for the resolution and he thereupon announced his determination to do so. Beyond doubt the slumbering sezate resolution might now be taken from the table and pussed! On February 11th, it was taken from the table d rat upon its passage. But a withering surprise d the pro-slavery forces; Hansen who had voted The other resolution, now voted against the senate and it was lost by one vote. The moment was

critical and rather stormy. Daimwood, a member who voted with the losing side, moved to reconsider. The speaker ruled the motion out of order of course and in the appeal taken to the whole house, he was sustained.

In the early part of the session, Hansen's right to his seat was contested by a man named Shaw, but he had been seated unanimously, Field voting to seat him. When, however, Hansen voted against the resolution, Field's anger knew no bounds and through his instrumentality, by securing a reconsideration of the action which seated Hansen, Hansen was unseated and Shaw was sent for and seated and voted with the pro-slavery forces thereafter. Notwithstanding the fact that the house was governed by Jefferson's Manual, rule 20 of which provided: "Nor shall any motion for reconsideration be in order unless made on the same day on which the vote was taken or within the next two days of the actual session, etc," the above result was obtained and still more disgraceful, the vote which sustained the Speaker's ruling on the Daimwood motion, was reconsidered and overturned; the Daimwood motion was declared in order and by Shaw's one vote, the convention resolution was passed by the house by the desired twothirds vote.

The tactics of Field toward the gallant band which fought his measure and his vicious means for carrying it, were those of the blackguard. He, with others abused and villified. He made threats and by means as revolutionary as those which at last deprived him of office, he carried the convention resolution through the house. No other measure but one was ever pushed through an Illinois Assembly under such questionable influences and that exception was the one just mentioned which removed him from the office of Secretary of State. In the latter case he but collided with the same force that controlled the Third General Assembly.

On February 15, 1823, a meeting of the prominent pro-slavery people who had gathered at the capital, was presided over by Col. Thomas Cox, then of Springfield, at which a committee was appointed to draft resolutions and an address which were to be presented to the people in justification of their measure and to advocate the repeal of the slavery inhibition found in the constitution of 1818. Field was made a member of that committee and he it was who prepared them. At a subsequent meeting held at the same place, February 17, 1823, the committee reported their resolutions and the address and then adjourned.

The reputation gained in that memorable legislative battle pushed Field to the front of the pro-slavery forces in the State and he was sent to the firing line of the dominant party in the long and fierce fight which followed, the result of which was his election in 1824 as one of the three presidential electors of the State.

The campaign was a long and furious one, but under the powerful efforts of Hooper Warren, Morris Birkbeek, John Mason Peck, Governor Edward Coles, and others, the resolution was snowed under by a substantial majority'.

* Vote: for, 4,972; against, 6,640.

THE "CONVENTION" AGITATION.

The Illinois Intelligencer denounced the legislature for play. ng fast and loose with the Pike county men, which brought out a threat of legislative action and mob menace. On February 17. 3 Field introduced the following resolution: "That the editors of hereis Intelligencer be requested forthwith to inform this house e is the author of a piece which appeared in their last paper, signed a 3 and which charges the legislature with corruption and disMy pen the appearance of the editorial a mob gathered before ze bièng, but no further act of violence followed.

furans have urged that the effort to secure a convention so considered until the legislature met. In Union and Jackson s de subject was agitated before election, and in February, Ki necng held at Jonesboro, Field introduced a resolution rog sa effort to elect members of the legislature who would WC & Convention for altering and amending the constitution. action issue.

The reason for his non-appearance in the Fourth General Assembly was because of his nomination as presidential elector and the necessity for a vast amount of work which that and the resolution campaigns demanded of him as leader. However, he was elected to the Fifth and Sixth General Assemblies, serving through his terms without a single event worthy special mention. With the final adjournment of the last named Assembly, his legislative services ceased for all time. For measures of any practical value to his State or relief for the people you will examine in vain the house journals. The first worthy measure bearing the impress of his name can not be found.

During that period, however, Field had been admitted to the bar formally and had advanced with rapid strides to the front of his profession. He attracted the attention of Governor Edwards, who had watched his course for some time, and when the opportunity presented itself, he appointed him Secretary of State, in 1828, which proved to be a sort of political shelf whereon he rested until in the year 1840 he was ousted to make room for Stephen A. Douglas, the "Little Giant."

On January 1, 1829, Field's commission as Secretary of State was issued and on January 23, 1829, he was sworn into office.

The office was profitable for the times and that influence might have had much to do with his long tenure. Moreover it did not interfere with his law practice, which took him all over the State and kept him from his office most of the time. His attachment for his practice was so strong that he retained his residence in Jonesboro for a considerable period and followed the circuit with tremendous success. Very soon he took a vacation down the river, ostensibly for his health, but more than likely for the purpose of securing something better from his uncle, Governor Pope, of Arkansas. The trip consumed considerable time and increased certain criticisms. His

absences continued for such long intervals that after awhile it created considerable adverse comment by his enemies, some of whom accused him of farming out his office. Remarks of that nature became so frequent and so forceful that Governor Edwards found it necessary to call attention to them and to remonstrate mildly'.

The appointment must have gratified Field immensely because in a letter addressed to Governor Edwards dated February 5th, 1829, he says, after congratulating the Governor upon his message: "All my friends are highly delighted at my appointment." On March 20,1830, the protest had become so loud from the Governor that Field, who then was in Louisville for the benefit of his health as he stated, found himself compelled to promise that so soon as he was well enough to return, he would discipline his clerk, Mr. Posey, whose conduct seems to have been criticised and may have superinduced the criticism. In September he complains again of the state of his with, but no allusion is made to his continued absence from his office. On September 24th, however, he writes from Jonesboro in a manner which indicates that he had den impressed by the Governor on the 16th in a manner so forceful that he had concluded to neglect his duties wo longer. Said he: "I do assure you that if it be in my power I will be in Vandalia by the 4th or 5th of October. Our courts have commenced, and I am necessary compelled to attend to them. However, if I can, 1 w go to Vandalia and remain there a few days and ree to our court which commences on the 18th of

* 1 10 Hooper Warren, another sort of protegé of Gov. *** was looking for preferment, wrote from Galena to the An urrence has lately taken place here since my Avd my lead to a vacancy that might prove still more to korrus cher to take an appointment in either of those places. Oh Hay hex W As office for one year to Mr. Ford, and has gone wowa ze cype with Mis family. There are various rumors respecting daw we think he will return in a few weeks, others that How Mack again. I have heard it suggested that he has gan 6 a dazer 21 receive some appointment under Gov. Pope."