savage war. 3d. The aid afforded to Great Britain by permitting supplies to Certainly what fell from the minister tended to strengthen that The seizure of American property, and the imprisonment of American citizens, in various modes and under various pretexts, both in the peninsula and in the colonies, afforded unequivocal indications of an unfriendly temper; several of these acts may hereafter require special representations on my part-my present object is to bug the generally to your view. The president relies upon the just sense which his majesty must entertain of the important crisis in our affairs, which such events are of a nature to produce, for the adoption of a policy congenial to the inter sts of both countries; and the president persuades himself that the same just and amicable disposition will be prompt in affording the satisfaction required for the injuries complained of, and that thus a state of lasting peace and friendly intercourse may be secured between two countries, whose relative situations and interests render that state so peculiarly desirable. Finally, the questions respecting boundaries, which have heretotore been supposed to offer obstacks to a settlement of other differences, the American government considers as susceptible of amicable adjustment, and laun instructed to treat with your excellency on that subject. I have the honor to be, &c. GEORGE W. ERVING. Extract of a letter from Mr. Erving to the secretary of state, dated I wrote to Mr. Cevallos, on the 13th instant, a note, of which the nclosed paper (No. 2) is a copy, inviting his attention to my Lote of August 26th; and on the 14th instant I again waited on that mimster, for the purpose of again urging him to reply to my said note; he made the same excuses for his delay he had before made. "On the 15th instant I received from Mr. Cevallos a note of the same date; a copy of it (No. 3) is herewith enclosed; I also submit to you (No. 4) a copy of my reply, of the 19th instant, to that note. opinion; and it has been still further confirmed in a subsequent [No. 2.] Madrid, September 13, 1816. To his excellency don Pedro Cevallos, first minister of state, &c. &c. SIR-It is my indispensable duty again to invite your excellency's attention to my note of August 26th. The importance and the urgency of the matters of which it treats will, I am persuaded, sufficiently explain my earnestness on this occasion: and I most ardently desire that the determinations of his majesty upon it may correspond to the just expectations of the American government, and lead to the establishment of lasting peace and harmony between the two countries. I renew to your excellency the assurances of my very distinGEORGE W. ERVING. guished consideration. [No. 3.] September, 1816. Translation of a letter from Mr. Cevallos to Mr. Erving, dated 15th SIR-Having laid before the king a note, under date of the 10th June last, addressed by Mr. Monroe to don Louis de Onis, in which he manifests the desire of his government that Mr, Onis should be gratify the president; and I have given the correspondent orders to authorised to negociate with him; his majesty has acceded to it to the said Onis, to the end, that he may immediately enter into negociation with Mr. Monroe, and employ all the means that are within his reach to secure a solid and durable peace and good inteligence between the two nations. I renew, &c. PEDRO CEVALLOS. [No. 4.] Madrid, Sept. 19, 1816. To his excellency don Pedro Cevallos, first minister of state, &c. &c. SIR-By your excellency's communication of the 15th instant, I learn, that a note of Mr. Monroe, secretary of state of the United States, under date of June 10th, addressed to don Louis de Onis, in which note the desire of the American government is expressed that the said don Louis should be authorised to'negociate with it, having been taken into consideration by the king, his majesty, with a view of conforming to the wishes of the president, has acceded to the desire expressed in said note, and that you have sent the corres pondent orders to don Louis, to the end that he may immediately enter into the negociation with Mr. Monroe. You will observe, sir, that under the circumstances of this sudden and unexpected determination of the king, as communicated by Mr, Cevallos, I thought it indispensably necessary (and my reasons will, I presume, be obvious to you) that my answer should incinde all that passed of importance in my intermediate conference with that minister. I sought the interview for the purpose of obtaining, promptly, explanations, which, in the ordinary course of I received this, your excellency's important communication, on correspondence might not have been given for months, of ascering, as nearly as might be, the real views of this government in the measures adopted, and, as far as possible, of fixing Mr. Cevallos in the day of its date, but before finally acknowledging the receipt of a direct and foyal course; in fine, of forcing our business on, by it, thought proper to seek, in an interview with you, such explanaone mode or another, to a conclusion of some sort. Indeed, it was tions as it seemed to require-for that purpose I waited on you on impossible for me to do any thing more than merely acknowledge Tuesday, the 17th instant. I predicated what I then said to you, on the receipt of the note, and to transmit it in course to my govern the supposition, that the American government might not have nient; unless I could learn whether the measure which it proposed, expressed a particular desire to change the seat of negociation-but was or was not likely to be acceptable to you; for I have not seen that the secretary of state, in the note of June 10th, referred to by your note of June 10, to which Mr. Cevallos refers, and as the your excellency, had but renewed the expression of his regret, words of his note, "que el citado don Luis estuviese autorizado para that Mr. Onis should continue to urge matters of complaint, on negociar," are altogether equivocal, and may receive either a past which he had not such full powers to negociate, as he was underAs I have the competent authority from my government to treat or future construction, I did not feel confident that you had stood to be in possession of previous to his reception by the president. really invited Mr. Onis to send for powers; thus I could not but be apprehensive, that the object of this government, in the mea--am in possession of all the documents necessary to be referred to sure proposed, was merely to relieve itself from pressure here, to in whatever discussions may arise; as your excellency is perfectly gain time, and indefinitely to procrastinate the settlement of our versed in all the questions which exist between the two goment might be made here at Madrid more expeditiously than at differences: and this suspicion was strengthened by many collateral vernments:-for these reasons it appeared to me that an arrangeWashington. I stated expressly to you that I could in no case be under a necessity of referring to my government for further instructions, requesting at the same time to know whether it was his majesty's intention to place Mr. Onis in a position equally favor able to a speedy adjustment of our differences. I concluded by excusing the warmth with which I pressed the subject, assuring you that I was very far from seeking my personal gratification in this matter of high public interest, but that I looked only to the desired result; and that if this could be obtained more promptly by transferring the negociation to Washington than by pursuing it here, I should sincerely rejoice at the transfer. considerations. In reply to these observations, I understood your excellency to state, that owing to your being actually charged with the business of three ministries, besides the direction of the posts; and to the "You will perceive, sir, that Mr. Cevallos says, in his note, that "correspondent orders" have been sent to Mr. Onis, by which I must understand, orders corresponding to the intention of the king to satisfy the president, by conforming to the desire expressed in your note to Mr. Onis, which must be understood to mean full powers; and yet, in conversation, he allowed that such powers had not been sent, and accepted of my proposal to transmit them. However, this apparent d.ser pance may have been mere inadvertency; he may have intended duplicat s of his powers: I resort to this supposition, because I have just now been informed, through another channel, that "full powers" have been sent to Mr. Ouis; how the fact may be, you will be able to ascertain by the date of the pow. rs; if th powers have been sent (unless indeed very lately) it is surprising that Mr. Cevallos did not earlier communicate the measure to me. "The abservations which I made to Mr. Cevallos, as to my own powers to negociate, and my proposal of a special commission; these were intended rather to test his sincerity, than to alter his professed plan. I said only what under circumstances it had been extraordinary to have omitted; my earnestness naturally resulted from the position in which I was placed by the proposed measure, but I reframed from pushing to the extent, of which they were susceptick, what might be considered as my own pretensions; for indep ndent of the doubt in which I was as to the real intention These reasons urged by your excellency for transferring the seat of your note to Mr. Onis, or that out of question, of what might best suit th views of government, my own decided opinion was, that the negociation might be carried on to much greater advan- of negociation to Washington, induced me to propose that his ma sage, and brought to a conclusion much more expeditiously at jesty would appoint a special minister or a commission to treat Washington than here; not only because it would be in much abler with me. I understood your excellency to reply, that as such bands than my own, but because Mr. Onis is there in a situation minister or commission would be entirely uninformed, and would to see, and to feel with infinitely more force, than Mr. Cevallos have every thing to learn on the matters to be discussed, and can, in the midst of all his distractions here, the real importance, hence continual necessity of referring to you, this mode could in no nay, absolute necessity of a speedy adjustment of our differences, wise expedite the result riety of other occupations incident to your high employ, it was impossible for you to give the time to the affairs to be discussed which would be necessary to a satisfactory and speedy arrangement of them: that Mr. Onis was also fully acquainted with those affairs and was in possession of all the documents relating to them: and though you could not say but that it might be necessary for that ouths' time on such an occasion would not prolong the negocia minister to consult with his government, yet even the loss of three tions to the extent which the unavoidable delays here would carry them to. On my asking your excellency if full powers and instructions had been already sent to Mr. Onis, I understood you to say that they had not. I then informed you, that after replying to your communication of the 15th instant, I should prepare to send a gentleman of my legation to the United States with my despatches; and I offered his services to be at the same time bearer of your despatches to Don Luis de Onis; which offer you were pleased to accept. If I may have made any mistake in this statement of the stibstance of what passed in the interview which I had the honor of having with your excellency on Tuesday the 17th instant, I beg that your excellency will be so obliging as to correct it. to have written, merely to get rid of importunity, by tranquilizing what he supposes to be my personal apprehensions. My despatches, (Nos. 18, 19 and 20) will accompany this, as well as those of the Spanish government for Mr Onis, which are to be ready within a few days. Considering the peculiar importance of these communications, I have concluded to send them by Mr. Brent to the port of Bordeaux, from whence it seems to be more probable that a speedy conveyance for the United States will be found, than either from Cadiz or Lisbon. Mr. Brent will proceed to the United States, if he should find a suitable vessel bound home. On account of the lateness of the season, I have thought it right to leave this point to his own discretion, instructing him, however, I have further to request that you will be pleased to inform me to make the voyage, (in whatever vessel.) unless he should find at whether it is your intention to reply to my notes of 26th August Bordeaux some American going to the United States, under whose and September 13th,or whether I am to consider your communica-care he shall consider the despatches to be as perfectly secure as tion of the 15th instant as superceding the necessity of any special under his own. reply to those notes. I have to request, also, that your excellency would enable me to inform my government whether it is his majesty's intention to send "full powers" to don Luis de Onis to treat upon all the matters in question between the two countries, and whether the instructions to be sent to him will embrace all the points adverted to in my above mentioned note of August 26. As soon as possible after I shall be honored with your reply to this note, I shall send a messenger to my government; he shall wait, however, to be at the same time the bearer of your despatches to Mr. Onis. I renew to your excellency asssurances of very distinguished consideration. GEO. W. ERVING. Extract of a letter from Mr. Erving to the secretary of state, dated at Madrid, September 27, 1816 "You will perceive, sir, by my last communications that there is now very little probability that I shall have occasion to use the ample documents with which I have been furnished.-Whatever complaints this government may have to make, these originating| in Mr. Onis's reports will of course be sent back to him to bring weight into his negociations. It is equally probable that he may be instructed to answer at Washington to whatever representations I may find it my duty to make here; for it is now perfectly evident that a principal motive with Mr. Cevallos in removing the negocia tion to Washington, has been to get rid altogether of the weight and trouble of it here, and of whatever belongs to, or may any how be, comprised in it. I hope that this was his only motive. I beg leave, on this occasion, to express to you my particular satisfaction with the services of Mr. Brent, who unites in his character all the qualities which make a man of business, and a valuable public officer. Translation of a letter from Mr. Cevallos to Mr. Erving, dated 7th SIR-In answer to your note of the 19th of the last month, I PEDRO CEVALLOS. Erratum.-The following error is in the printed documents, from which we copied. In page 25, in the 10th line of the last paragraph of Mr. Onis' letter of February 21, the words "object of the" should be inserted, so as to read “cannot accomplish the object of the one or the other." Constitutional principles. President Madison's rejection of the bill that lately passed both houses of congress to appropriate the bonus, &c. of the United States Bank to I see with satisfaction that your note of June 10, to Mr. Onis, internal improvements, such as roads and canalsdoes not admit of any other construction than that which I con- has been highly commended by some, and as severeJecturally gave to it in my conversation with Mr. Cevallos. It is very evident too by Mr. Ouis' reply of July 3d, that he has not ly reprehended by others. The details of this bill misunderstood you; after this, is it to be imagined that Mr. Cevallos were objected to by many who deemed it to be conhas fallen into a misconception? Certainly not. I presume then, stitutional-on the ground that a fund, capable of sir, that you will approve of my determination not to make any attempt to alter his plan; and that you will agree with me in opinion that the only chance of accommodation with this government is by negociation at Washington." Extract of a letter from Mr. Erving to the secretary of state, dated 8th of Oct. 1816. accomplishing splendid national objects,might there. by be squandered in pieces of patch-work, "here a little and there a little," without perfecting any thing of importance. But it was not on this account that the president refused his sanction to it-he considered it unconstitutional in its principle, and here the matter rests. It is not probable that any bill of the sort will hereafter become a law of the United States, unless the powers of congress are enlarged by an amendment of the constitution. "In my despatch, No. 18, 1 mentioned that Mr. Cevallos, in conversation on the 21st of September, had promised to answer my note to him of September 19th. He was afterwards, for several days, so wholly occupied with the marriage ceremonies that not the least attention to any other kind of business could be expected; but these terminated, on the 3d inst. I wrote to him unofficially a note, of which the enclosed paper (No. 1.) is a copy; and on the 5th I again waited on him to press him for the answer which he had promised. On this occasion I observed to him that since, by his Without having examined the constitutionality of note of the 15th September, he had not assigned any sufficient that bill-and, if we had, perhaps, without feeling motive for the determination of his majesty to transfer the negocia ourselves competent to decide upon it-we suptions to Washington, it had been incumbent on me to ascertain what they might be, and so submit them to my government. posed that it was in accordance with the principles It was with this intent that I had sought the interview of Sep of the national compact, from the frequent recom tember 17th, and had stated the substance of our conversation in mendations of such subjects to congress by the semy note to him of the 19th, which with his reply would be suffi cient for my purpose. That without explanation, the mere notifi- veral presidents of the United States, and from the cation of his majesty's determination, contained in his excellency's able report of Mr. Gallatin, while secretary of the note, would have a very extraordinary appearance to say the least; treasury, on roads and canals; and we knew that my government had sent me with powers and instructions to ne gociate; I had opened the matters to be reated on, and waited the general government was making the Cumberland several weeks for an answer, when I was told his majesty had road. We, therefore, felt surprised at its rejection, determined to empower Mr. Ónis. Under such circumstances must it not be concluded, either that the Spanish government by this and were induced to examine some of our presi measure sought to avoid or to delay an arrangement, or that it had dents' messages to see how far they agreed with some personal objection to myself? Hence the necessity of an ex- this act of Mr. Madison. The following extracts planation. Mr. Cevallos answered that the motives to the measure were what he had before assigned, and that I must not allow my-immediately bear on the subject: self to imagine that either the king or himself had the least objec tion personal to me; on the contrary, it would give Mr. Cevallos peculiar pleasure to settle the business with me, if it were possible for him to attend to it; finally, that since I considered it important that my note should be answered, I should have the answer forthwith. Extract from Mr. Jefferson's message to congress, at the opening of the session, December 2, 1806. "Their patriotism [that of the people of the United States] would certainly prefer its [the duty on imYesterday, the 7th, I received the note of the same date of which ports] continuance, and application to the great the enclosed paper, No. 2, is a copy. In this you observe sir, that Mr. Cevallos speaks of "full powers" to Mr. Onis, and the object in purposes of public education, roads, rivers and casending them to be the more expeditious termination of existing nals, and such other objects of public improvement questions. In conversation, Mr. Cevallos told me, that the instrue as it may be thought proper to add to the constitutional tions to Mr. Onis, would comprise all the matters mentioned in my note of August 26th; but he has not thought proper in this last enumeration of federal powers," &c. communication, to reply specially to the question put on that subject, in my note of 19th ultimo; indeed it was impossible for [He then suggests an amendment to the constitu him to answer that note, and say less than he he has done; he seems tion for the purposes just stated.] not be considered orthodox. What has happened may happen again. Extracts from Mr. Madison's message of December 3, 1816, on opening the session of congress. "The importance which I have attached to the That congress has power to establish a national establishment of a UNIVERSITY within this district on university, within the district of Columbia, is fairly a scale, and for objects worthy the American na-presumed from their right to make all laws relating tion, induces me to renew my recommendation of to it-it may, however, be questioned whether the it to the favorable consideration of congress"- public money can be appropriated for it. Some may [A similar opinion, of the want of constitutional power to make roads and canals, is expressed in his message of December 5, 1815.] "And I particularly invite their attention to esteem it impudent in me to express an opinion in the expediency of exercising their existing powers, opposition to the often-repeated and very earnest and where necessary of resorting to the prescribed mode recommendations of Washington, Adams, Jefferson of enlarging them, in order to effectuate a comprehen- and Madison, in favor of a national university: But, sive system of roads and canals," &c. although I may respect the opinions of these to a degree bordering upon veneration, I feel that I have a right and a duty, not only to think for myself, but also to express my thoughts freely, upon any subject From these extracts it certainly appears, that the that I please; and have no hesitation in declaring an rejection of the "bonus bill," by Mr. Madison, en- opposition to such an establishment, at the seat of tirely agrees with the former opinions of that gen- the national government; a government constitute 1, tleman, and with those of his predecessor in office. at present, very much to my wishes, but which, I As to the Cumberland Road-In the act of con- seriously desire, may never have any other influgress, passed April 30, 1802, establishing the state ence over the people than properly attaches to it by of Ohio, it is provided that a certain part of the its virtue. In time of war, or seasons of danger, proceeds of the sales of land in that state shall be when threatened by enemies without, or traitors applied to the making of public roads, leading from within, I hold it right to bolster the administration the navigable waters emptying into the Atlantic to of a free country to the utmost of our power, and in the Ohio, to the said state, and through the same; every way possible to support it, the same not being such roads to be laid out under the authority of inconsistent with moral rectitude: but in a settled congress, with the consent of the several states state of things-in a condition of society calculated through which they shall pass, &c. The "Cumber- to be permanent, I esteem it not less correct to land Road" is, therefore, a matter of special agree-watch the governing authority, and to retain in the ment between the general government and the peo-hands of the people every method of reforming its ple of the state of Ohio. errors, if any should unhappily creep in. In the There is something very melancholy in the idea emphatic language of Mr. Jefferson, "we have not that no great national work of internal improvement found angels in the form of men to govern us,” can be effected by the broad patronage of the go- and,until this comes to pass, I trust that all the great vernment of the United States; which, superior to powers of government, or, at least, the power of local views and commanding such ample means, changing the governors, will remain undiminished to might accomplish things to mark the age and claim the citizens of this republic. I am unwilling that the admiration and gratitude of posterity. But such government should have any thing to do with the is the fact at least in the opinion of the two last education of the youth; for on this, more than any presidents, whose talents as statesmen must be re-thing else, depends the liberties of the country. spected that the constitution must be amended It is better to leave it to the people at large, or to before any work of the kind can be done. We do the states, if the latter please to take it up-and not despair, however, of seeing the constitution so then, by rival institutions, the public will be better amended as to meet these views of it; and the served; and each institution, emulous of reputation "bonus bill," though rejected, may be the happy and depending for existence on the number of its cause of it. Many were under the impression that students, will be zealous to conduct its affairs as— Mr. Madison, in the rejection of that bill, had acted they ought to be conducted; and if any are silly inconsistent with his former recommendations of enough to indulge in political dogmas that the peosuch subjects; this is easily accounted for-they ple are opposed to, they will fall to the ground. recollected the great points of the fact, but forgot But there are many and very powerful arguments the condition on which those points rested in favor of a national establishment. Among them, A like diversity of opinion has existed, and yet it may be said, that it would command the best taexists, as to the power of congress to establish a lents of the country, and might produce an unifornational bank. No such power is expressly delegat-mity of sentiment and of action by the uniformity ed, and the powers not delegated are reserved to the of the instruction received and the early friendships states respectively, or to the people. But congress formed thereat. But would even these be really have power "to provide for the general welfare," advantageous? Would it be expedient to collect the which, we humbly believe, would be much better rays of light to a point, and leave all out of its promoted by roads and canals than it will be by the focus in darkness and solitude, seeing that few, and establishment of that bank."Time proves all only the sons of the very wealthy, could be benefitthings:"-if such an engine as that is had been in ted by it? Shall we enlighten one at the expence of the hands of those who endeavored to bankrupt the a thousand; and imitate, in this respect, the policy United States in the late war, and who, with their of Great Britain-who, to pamper a man beyond comparatively small means, really did so much to human wants, packs off five or ten thousand others, depress the public credit-what would have been as good as he is, to the poor-house, to make room for the consequence? Might they not have stopped-him? It may reasonably be calculated that the and would they not have stopped, if they could-grants and annuities to the duke of Wellington, over "the wheels of the government?" On the other and beyond the pay received as field marshal, &c. hand, if the government had retained more power have added, at least, 10,000 souls to the stock of in the direction of the affairs of this institution, it paupers, and the money given to him is of many might be used to persecute and ruin the state banks, times the amount of all the subscriptions for the and individuals, whose political sentiments should relief of the poor, about which there has been such loud trumpetings. And how great would be the very nature of things are inclined to believe it, that evil of an uniformity of sentiment, if that sentiment, the private colleges of England are far more proamong the rich and the learned, should happen to ductive of learned men, and eminently more so of be erroneous-for neither the professors of univer useful citizens, than the national universities of sities, nor those educated by them, are more likely Oxford and Cambridge, where the professors, rolto be "angels" than other persons; indeed, from ling in fat and independent of the people, are indo"feeling power," they are more apt to forget that lent and careless. It is the great business in mothey are men. The best fastening of these states is narchies first to grasp the mind of youth, at school, a community of interests, in all their parts, for pri- through the fear of corporal punishment, and then vate friendship might grant what public good would enchain it by a pensioned priesthood, holding up refuse. The doors of this university would be vir- eternal torments for those who doubt the divine tually closed to all but the sons of the great, ready rights of kings; who are as much indebted to these enough to play the part of aristocrats without being manoeuvres for their crowns as to the bayonets at led to it by early pre-eminence. Nor would all, even their command, and perhaps more so. I do not of such, have a chance of being educated there- want political schools, political priests or servile there must be some limit to the number of students, bayonets to be called in to support the government and a preference may easily be supposed, if the ap- of the United States-yet I should like to see a set plicants should exceed the number allowed to be of school-books compiled, which, without reference received. Take a case that now exists--we have to our parties, should excite a love for the constinever heard it most remotely insinuated that politics tutional principles of the republic, to supercede the have had any thing to do with the nomination of kingly stuff that was handed to us while colonists cadets, to be educated at the public expence at the and subjects of England, yet used in so many of our military academy at West Point; but many have com-seminaries of learning. It will be recollected that plained that whilst some are able to get births in it the famous Illuminati proposed, as the only sure for two of their sons, that others plead for a single means of effecting their purposes, to obtain situachild in vain. The number is fixed-all that are tions as instructors of youth-they were charged applied for cannot be accepted, and personal favor with a design of overturning the old monarchies, and personal feelings must be supposed to give a and their power, at one time, was reported to be preference. This is natural-it is the result of the very formidable:-there was no objection to their common law that governs the actions of men, and can hardly be avoided. It is understood that there are many applicants, from all parts of the union, for situations in this academy, where the whole number of students is about 250-yet of these nearly one-tenth are from the District of Columbia! project because of its laudable end; but the fact shews us that it is safest to deposit the power of employing tutors in the hands of the people at large-making them chiefly dependent on their own good conduct for success and profit in it. These are the outlines of my objections to a na Thus, and to a much more ruinous extent it tional university-but the subject is of a nature to might be if we had a national university; which command talents infinitely superior to any that I would also, in my opinion, have a destructive ten-have to bestow upon it. dency on the present equality that exists among On the whole, then, I conclude-that if it is conthe people, by rearing up certain persons, as it stitutional to establish a national bank and found a were, to be governors of the rest; and just fears national university, and unconstitutional to make might also be entertained of its becoming a chief roads and dig canals, that it would be much better seat of immorality and political corruption. Seats for the people to recal the power delegated for the of government, from that of the meanest county to first and second and grant it for the third, than that of the most powerful nation, are not the places to let the matter rest as it now is. The latter would best calculated to inspire the youth with virtuous assist honest industry in its struggle to arrive at sentiments-they are calculated rather to make independence--the others seem particularly designcunning men than honest men, and early impres-ed to make the rich richer and the poor poorer; the sions are the most lasting. This establishment immediate advantages of them being secured to the would probably send forth some few of splendid wealthy. Riches are apt enough to grow into luxu talents, at the cost of the many: I prefer the in-ry, and luxury into despotism, without such aids. terest of the many to that of the few. Franklins and It is the alpha and the omega of my politics, in the Rittenhouses will work their way to eminence with-language of the late venerable Dickinson, "THAT out it, as Brown and Jackson "hewed a path to AN ARMED PEOPLE AND AN UNARMED fame" without having studied at the military aca- MAGISTRACY, IS THE BEST SECURITY FOR demy; which, however, is an institution that ought FREEDOM." Let every species of power and into be zealously supported as a seeding place for fluence remain where it rightfully belongs. accomplished soldiers. Let us profit by experience -we have heard it frequently stated, and from the Shipping and commerce. *The duke of Wellington is said to be worth a In the last volume, page 353, we presented an million of pounds sterling, and, perhaps, much interesting view of the commerce, &c. of several more. Say a million. The interest of this, at 6 per ports, to which the following is an interesting apcent. per annum is 60,000, which is paid by Bri-pendage: tish labor. [See last number of the Register.] If PORT OF SAVANNAH the family of a poor man consists of five persons, it A list of vessels which have entered, and cleared from the port of Savannah, from the 1st of October 1816, to the 28th of February, 1817: ARRIVED. would give 30. or 133 dollars a year for the support do. CLEARED. Ships (foreign) 16 52 Brigs do. 47 28 Schooners do. 22 do. 6 Sloops do. -105 91 boxes; tallow 160 cwt. tobacco 7282 hhds. do. may nufactured 711 bbls. do. carrots 8200; whiskey 320,000 gallons; bear skins 2000. Besides a quantity of horned cattle, castings, grind stones, indi-150 go, muskets, merchandize, pacan nuts, peas, beans, Ships (coastwise) 14 Brigs do. 86 Brigs do. 48 44 Schooners do. 38 Sloops do. 66 Sloops do. 50 Total, exclusive of coasters, which are not obliged to clear from the custom-house NEW ORLEANS. &c. 241 The schedule of the above produce is indepen CANADIAN EXPORTS AND IMPORTS. For the year ending December 31, 1816. Entered from Alexandria 1; Baltimore 20; Bath 1; Boston 26; Charleston 7; Kennebunk 3; NewExports for the year 1816, from Quebec. Bedford 1; Newburyport 7; New London 1; NewLumber, furs, ashes (70,609 cwt.) with small Orleans, new built, 3; New-York 67; Perth Amboy 1; Philadelphia 33; Portland 2; Portsmouth 8; quantities of grain, flour and provisions, in all havProvidence, R. I. 3; Salem 4; Savannah 2; Bristol ing an official value of £480,000 or $1,920,000.1; Gibraltar 1; Glasgow 1; Greenock 2; Isle of May This amount is said to be 140,0001. greater than it 1; Liverpool 26; London 4; Jamaica 11; N. Provi- was last year, principally owing to the export of dence 10; Surinam 1; Trinidad 1; Bordeaux 17; ashes, about one half of which is from the United Havre de Grace 8; M-rseilles 6; Nantz 5; Marti- States. The export of furs has been very much dinique 4; St. Domingo 8; Apalachicola 1; Barracoa minished, owing to the war between the north west 1; Barcelona 1; Bilboa 1; Cadiz 2; Campeachy 13; and Hudson bay companies. Havana 26; Laguira 4; Malaga 1; Pensacola 4; Porto Rico 2; St. Jago de Cuba 10; Santa Martha 1; Spanish Independent America 5; Tabaseo 1; Tampica 5; Vera Cruz 2; Amsterdam 1; Middleborough, Ostend 1; Lisbon 1; Madeira 1; Hamburg 3; Bremen 2. Total of vessels entered 387, of which 139 ships; 162 brigs; 69 schooners; 17 sloops; giving a total tonnage of 79485. Imports, for 1816, at Quebec. Dry goods, official value, 1,556,296. Wines 300,000 galls. rum 1,092,500; brandy 31,600; gin 30,100; whiskey 107,745; molasses 135,241. Sugar, refined 438,673 lbs. Muscovado, 1,809,422; coffee, 335,441; tobacco, 46,562; tea 218,969. Salt 219,826 minots, &c. &c. making a total official value of £2,174,796, equal to $8,699,184-leaving an apparent balance against the colony of about $6,500,000. WESTERN COMMERCE. Cleared to Alexandria 1; Baltimore 14; Boston 14; Charleston 6; Mobile 1; New-York 43; Nor. folk 1; Philadelphia 16; Salem 1; Savannah 1; Barbadoes 1; Cowes 1; Falmouth 5; Gibraltar 11; Greenock 3; Guernsey 1; Liverpool 31; London 1; This beautiful vessel, in the elegance of her moPortsmouth 1; Honduras 1; Jamaica 2; New Providence 8; Bordeaux 18; Havre de Grace 9; Mar-del and workmanship, probably surpasses any vessel seilles 3; Nantz 5; Martinique 1; St. Domingo 7; heretofore built on the Ohio; she is pronounced by Barracoa 1; Cadiz 6; Campeachy 14; Havanna 30; seafaring men (of whom by the by we are not desLaguira 3; Porto Rico 6; St. Jago de Cuba 8; Tam-titute, although our port is situated some sixteen pica 1; Vera Cruz 13; Amsterdam 1; Antwerp 1; hundred miles from the sea) a handsome specimen Flushing 1; Lisbon 4; Stockholm 1; Bremen 4; of the art of ship building. She is now receiving her cargo and will sail in all next week, wind and Hamburgh 4; Bergen 1. tide permitting, for Boston. Cincinnati, March 7.-Came to anchor off this place on Monday morning last, the fine brig Cin-cinnatus, 170 tons burthen, from the ship yard at Columbia, where she was built. Total of vessels cleared, 312, of which 117 ships; 122 brigs; 56 schooners, 37 sloops; giving a total tonnage 59033. The moderate weather of the last ten or fifteen days has wrought a very great change in the ap937 vessels of all denominations departed within pearance of our wharves. Previous to that time, the expired year from the Bayou St. John, a port every species of craft was locked up by the ice, exof delivery in the district of Mississippi; the ton-posed to imminent danger, or had sought shelter nage of these vessels is calculated at 16,000; they in some friendly inlet or mouth of a creek. Since are chiefly employed in carrying the produce of that the opening of the river, our shores afford a most part of the Floridas belonging to the United States, interesting appearance-crowded with almost eveconsisting in barks, coals, cotton, corn, furs, hides; pitch, planks, rosin, skins, tar, timber, turpentine, sand, shells, lime, &c. 594 flat bottomed boats and 300 barges have arrived within the expired year from the western states and territories, with the following articles of produce viz:-Apples 4253 bbls; bacon and hams 13000 cwt. bagging 2579 pieces; beef 2459 bbls. beer 439 do. butter 509 do. candles 358 boxes; cheese 30 cwt. cider 646 bbls. cordage 400 cwt. cordage bailing 4798 coils; corn 13775 bushels; corn meal 1075 bbls. cotton 37371 bales; flaxseed oil 85 bbls. flour 97419 do; ginseng 957 do; hay 356 bundles; hemp yarns 1095 reels; hides 5000; hogs 500; horses 375; lead 5500 cwt. white lead 188 bbls. linens, coarse 2500 pieces; lard 2458 bbls. oats 4065 bushels; paper 750 reams; peltries 2450 packs; pork 9725 bbls; potatoes 3750 bushels; powder, gun 294 bbls, salt petre 175 cwt. soap 1538 ry species of vessels, from the brig down to the ordinary flat boat; all bustle and activity, loading and preparing to improve the opportunity of descending the river on a good tide. The following vessels have sailed within the last week for New Orleans, with cargoes principally of pork and flour, besides a number of flat boats. The barge Expedition, of 80 tons, on Saturday, William Adams, master-owners Jeremiah Reeder and Adam Moore. The barge Adventurer, 60 tons, on Tuesday-600 barrels flour, owners James W. Byrne and co. The barge Cincinnati, 120 tons, on Thursday, Jonathan Horton, master-1300 barrels pork and flour, owners J. and W. Teatman. Other similar vessels are preparing and will sail in a short time. The steam boat Etna left Natchez on the 7th ult. with a heavy cargo from New-Orleans, bound to |