No. 11 OF VOL. XII.] BALTIMORE, SATURDAY, MAY 10, 1817. [WHOLE NO. 297. Hac olim meminisse juvabit.—VING:L. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY H. NILES, AT THE READ OF CHEAPSIDE, AT $5 PER ANNUM. The present number, from the variety of its con- would advise a colony to pursue, in order to get out 1ents, is calculated to please most descriptions of of the old government and into a new one. readers. Political Curiosity. sketched in words a scheme, which he requestêd me to give him in writing. Accordingly, the next day I delivered him the following letter. He lent it to his colleague Richard Henry Lee, who asked me to let him print it: to which I consented proThe following more properly belongs to the provided he would suppress ay name: for if that should posed collection of revolutionary papers than to appear, it would excite a continental clamour the body of the REGISTER itself-but we prefer to among the tories that I was erecting a battering publish it now to invigorate the hopes and ram to demolish the royal government and render strengthen the exertions, of all interested in that independence indispensable. undertaking. Quincy, July 21, 1811. THOUGHTS ON GOVERNMENT: APPLICABLE TO THE PRE- The people of the United States will be pleased to see "the first printed essay towards a form of go. vernment in this country," written "six months before the declaration of independence," by president ADAMS: and they will remark, with singu lar pleasure, how nearly, in spirit and form, our republican governments which succeeded that MY DEAR SIR-If I was equal to the task of formdeclaration, have approached the lines sketched ing a plan for the government of a colony, I should in this "marbled colored bagatelle," as Mr. A. be flattered with your request, and very happy to sportively calls it, from its being done up in mar-comply with it; because as the divine science of bled paper. Quincy, April 28th, 1817. SIR-I have received eleven volumes of your Register, well bound and in good order, for which I have paid Mr. Ballard; and I thank you for the promptitude with which you have obliged me. "VIVE LA BAGATELLE." Thoughts on government, &c. politics is the science of social happiness, and the POPE flattered tyrants too much when he said Nothing can be more fallacious than this: But poets The light sketch enclosed, is at this day of no read history to collect flowers not fruits-they atvalue: not even an object of curiosity, except on tend to fanciful images, not the effects of social inaccount of the critical moment in which it was stitutions. Nothing is more certain from the hiscrayoned, six months before the declaration of in- tory of nations, and the nature of man, than that dependence, and as it was the first printed essay some forms of government are better fitted for betowards a form of government in this country. ing well administered than others. As Mr. Taylor of Hazelgrove, Portroyal, Virgi- We ought to consider, what is the end of governnia, has in his late work honored with several pages ment, before we determine which is the best form. of remarks, an imperfect copy of it, it seems right-Upon this point all speculative politicians will that the public should possess an authentic one. agree, that the happiness of society is the end of If you think it worth a place in your Register government, as all divines and moral philosophers you may give it one. If not, I pray you to return it to me by the post. Indeed in any case I wish to have it restored to me, as I know of no other copy of Dunlap's edition. You may make what use you please of this letter and all its contents, upon condition you return me my marble coloured Bagatelle. I am, respectfully, your servant, Memorandum by Mr. Adams. In the winter of 1776 there was much discussion will agree that the happiness of the individual is the end of man. From this principle it will follow, that the form of government, which communicates to the greatest number of persons, and in the ease, comfort, security, or in one word happiness greatest degree, is the best. All sober enquirers after truth, ancient and madern, pagan and Christian, have declared that the happiness of man, as well as his dignity consists in virtue. Confucius, Zoroaster, Socrates, Mahomet, not to mention authorities really sacred, have agreed in this. If there is a form of government then, whose in congress concerning the necessity of indepen. principle and foundation is virtue, will not every denoe, and advising the several states to institute sober man acknowledge it better calculated to progovernments for themselves under the immediate mote the general happiness than any other form? Fear is the foundation of most governments; but authority and original power of the people. Great difficulties occurred to many gentlemen, in making is so sordid and brutal a passion, and renders men, a transition from the old governments to the new, in whose breasts it predominates, so stupid, and i. e. from the royal to republican governments. In miserable, that Americans will not be likely to apJanuary 1776, Mr. George Wythe, of Virginia, prove of any political institution which is foundell passing an evening with me, asked what plan l'on it. VOL XII. L Honour is truly sacred, but holds a lower rank | And all these errors ought to be corrected and de. in the scale of moral excellence than virtue.-In-Pcts supplied by some controling power. deed the former is but a part of the latter, and 2. A single assembly is apt to be avaricious, and consequently has not equal pretensions to suppor in time will not scruple to exempt itself from bura frame of government productive of human hap-thens which it will lay, without compunction, on piness. its constituents. The foundation of every government is some prin-| 3. A single assembly is apt to grow ambitious, ciple or passion in the minds of the people.--The and after a time will not hesitate to vo‘e itself pernoblest principles and most generous affections infpetual. This was one fait of the long parliament, our nature then, have the fairest chance to support but more remarkably of Holland, whose assembly the noblest and most generous models of govern-first voted themselves from annual to septennial, then for life, and after a course of years, that all ment. A man must be indifferent to the sneers of mo- vacancies happening by death or otherwise, should dern Englishmen, to mention in their company, the be filled by themselves, without any application to names of Sidney, Harrington, Locke, Milton, Ned-constituents at all. ham, Neville, Burnet, and Hoadley.-No small forti 4. A representative assembly, although extremetude is necessary to confess that one has read them. ly well qualified, and absolutely necessary as a The wretched condition of this country, however, branch of the legislature, is unfit to exercise the for ten or fifteen years past, has frequently re-executive power, for want of two essential properminded me of their principies and reasonings.ties, secrecy and despatch. They will convince any candid mind, that there is 5. A representative assembly is still less qualifino good government but what is republican. That ed for the judicial power; because it is too numerthe only valuable part of the British constitution is ous, too slow, and too little skilled in the laws. so; because the very definition of a republic, is 6. Because a single assembly, possessed of all "an empire of laws, and not of men." That, as a re-the powers of government, would make arbitrary public is the best of governments, so that particu-laws for their own interest, execute all laws arbilar arrangement of the powers of society, or intrarily for their own interest, and adjudge all conother words that form of government, which is troversies in their own favor. best contrived to secure an impartial and exact execution of the laws, is the best of republics. But shall the whole power of legislation rest in one assembly? Most of the foregoing reasons apOf republics, there is an inexhaustible variety, ply equally to prove that the legislative power because the possible combinations of the powers of ought to be more complex-to which we may add, society, are capable of innumerable variations. that if the legislative power is wholly in one assemAs good government, is an empire of laws, how bly, and the executive in another, or in a single shall your laws be made? In a large society, inha-person, these two powers will oppose and encroach biting an extensive country, it is impossible that upon each other, until the contest shall end in war, the whole should assemble, to make laws: The and the whole power, legislative and executive, be first necessary step then, is, to depute power from usurped by the strongest. the many, to a few of the most wise and good.- The judicial power, in such case, could not me But by what rules shall you choose your represen-diate, or hold the balance between the two contendtatives? Agree upon the number and qualifications ing powers, because the legislative would underof persons, who shall have the benefit of choosing, mine it.-And this shews the necessity too, of givor anaex this privilege to the inhabitants of a cer- ing the executive power a negative upon the legis1ain extent of ground. lative, otherwise this will be continually encroaching upon that. The principal difficulty lies, and the greatest care should be employed in constituting this repre- To avoid these dangers let a distinct assembly sentative assembly. It should be in miniature, anbe constituted, as a mediator between the two exexact portrait of the people at large. It should treme branches of the legislature, that which rethink, feel, reason, and act like them. That it presents the people and that which is vested with may be the interest of this assembly to do strict the executive power. justice at all times, it should be an equal represen- Let the representative assembly then elect by tation, or in other words equal interest among the ballot, from among themselves or their constitupeople should have equal interest in it.-Great care ents, or both, a distinct assembly, which for the should be taken to effect this, and to prevent unfair, sake of perspicuity we will call a council. It may partial, and corrupt elections. Such regulations, consist of any number you please, say twenty or however, may be better made in times of greater thirty, and should have a free and independent extranquility than the present, and they will spring | ercise of its judgment, and consequently a negative up of theinseives naturally, when all the powers of voice in the legislature. government come to be in the hands of the people's These two bodies thus constituted, and made infriends. At present it will be safest to proceed integral parts of the legislature, let them unite, and all established modes to which the people have been familiarised by habit. A representation of the people in one assembly bei gostained, a question arises whether all the powers of government, legislative, executive, and judicial, shall be left is this body? I think a peole cannot be long free, nor ever happy, whose go. verment is in one assembly. My reasons for this opinion are as follow: by joint ballot choose a governor, who, after being stript of most of those badges of domination called prerogatives, should have a free and independent exercise of his judgment, and be made also an integral part of the legislature. This I know is liable to objections, and if you please you may make him only president of the council, as in Connecticut: But as the governor is to be invested with the executive power, with consent of council, I 1. A single assembly is liable to all the vices, think he ought to have a negative upon the legislafollies and frailties of an individual.--Subject to tive. If he is annually elective, as he ought to be, fits of humor starts of passion, flights of enthusi- he will always have so much reverence and affec-asm, partialities of prejudice, and consequently tion for the people, their representatives and counproductive of hasty results and absurd judgments: 'cillors, that although you give him an independent exercise of his judgment, he will seldom use it in opposition to the two houses, except in cases the public utility of which would be conspicuous, and some such cases would happen. both should be checks upon that. The judges therefore should always be men of learning and experience in the laws, of exemplary morals, great patience, calmness, coolness and attention. Their In the present exigency of American affairs, when, minds should not be distracted with jarring inteby an act of parliament we are put out of the royal rests; they should not be dependent upon any man, protection, and consequently discharged from our for body of nren. To these ends they should hold allegiance; and it has become necessary to assume estates for life in their offices, or in other words government for our immediate security, the gover-their commissions should be during good behaviour, nor, lieutenant governor, secretary, treasurer, com and their salaries ascertained and established by missary, attorney-general, should be chosen by law. For misbehaviour the grand inquest of the joint ballot, of both houses. And these and al! colony, the house of representatives, should imother elections, especially of representatives and peach them before the governor and council, where councillors, should be annual, there not being in they should have time and opportunity to make the whole circle of the sciences, a maxim more their defence, but if convicted should be removed infallible than this, "where annual elections end, from their offices, and subjected to such other puthere slavery begins." nishment as shall be thought proper. These great men, in this respect should be, once a year "Like bubbles on the sea of matter borne, "They rise, they break, and to that sea return." This will teach them the great political virtues of humility, patience, and moderation, without which every man in power becomes a ravenous beast of prey. This mode of constituting the great offices of state will answer very well for the present, but if, by experiment, it should be found inconvenient, the legislature may at its leisure devise other me. thods of creating them, by elections of the people at large, as in Connecticut, or it may enlarge the term for which they shall be chosen to seven years, or three years, or for life, or make any other alterations which the society shall find productive of its ease, its safety, its freedom, or in one word its happiness. A rotation of all offices, as well as of represen tatives and councillors, has many advocates, and is contended for with many plausible arguments. It would be attended no doubt with many advantages, and if the society has a sufficient number of suitable characters to supply the great number of vacancies which would be made by such a rotation, I can see no objection to it. These persons may be allowed to serve for three years, and then be excluded three years, or for any longer or shorter term Any seven or nine of the legislative council may be made a quorum, for doing business as a privy council, to advise the governor in the exercise of the executive branch of power, and in all acts of state. The governor should have the command of the militia, and of all your armies. The power of pardons should be with the governor and council. A militia law requiring all men, or with very few exceptions, besides cases of conscience, to be provided with arms and aminunition, to be trained at certain seasons, and requiring counties, towns, or other small districts to be provided with public and with some settled plans for transporting provi stocks of ammunition and entrenching utensils, sions after the militia, when marched to defend their country against sudden invasions, and requiring certain districts to be provided with fieldpieces, companies of matrosses, and perhaps some tion, and in the present circumstances of our counregiments of light horse is always a wise institutry indispensable. Laws for the liberal education of youth, especially of the lower class of people, are so extremely wise and useful, that to a humane and generous mind, no expence for this purpose would he thought extravagant. The very mention of sujnptuary laws will excite a smile. Whether our countrymen have wisdom But the happiness of the people might be greatly and virtue enough to submit to them I know not. to carry on this war forever. Frugality is a great promoted by them, and a revenue saved sufficient revenue, besides curing us of vanities, levities and fopperies which are real antidotes to all great, manly and warlike virtues. But must not all commissions run in the name name of the king, run thus, "the colony of tice. Why may not indictments conclude "against the peace of the colony of and the dignity or the same?" Judges, justices and all other officers, civil and military, should be nominated and appointed by the governor, with the advice and consent of council, troduces knowledge among the people, and inspires A constitution, founded on these principles, in unless you choose to have a government more popu- them with a conscious dignity, becoming freemen. lar; if you do, all officers, civil and military, may A general emulation takes place, which causes good be chosen by joint ballot of both houses, or in or-humor, sociability, good manners, and good morals der to preserve the independence and importance to be general. That elevation of sentiment, inof each house, by ballot of one house, concurred spired by such a government, makes the common by the other. Sheriffs should be chosen by the people brave and enterprising. That ambition freeholders of counties-so should registers of deeds and clerks of counties. All officers should have commissions, under the hand of the governor and seal of the colony. which is inspired by it makes them sober, induselegance, perhaps, but more solidity; a little pleatrious and frugal. You will find among them some The dignity and stability of government in all but more civility. If you compare such a country sure, but a great deal of business-some politeness, its branches, the morals of the people and every with the regions of domination, whether monarchi blessing of society, depends so much upon an up-cal or aristocratical, you will fancy yourself in Arge right and skillful administration of justice, that cadia or Elisium. the judicial power ought to be distinct from both If the colonies should assume governments sepa the legislative and executive, and independent up-rately, they should be left entirely to their own on both, that so it may be a check upon both, as' choice of the forms, and if a continental constitu tion should be formed, it should be a congress, price for the stocks of his own country than for lue; and millions on millions of them are bought and sold in the course of a week, without the use You and I, my dear friend, have been sent into of money at all-one kind, or lot, being disposed of life, at a time when the greatest lawgivers of an- and another bought, by certain sets of persons, in tquity would have wished to have lived.-How few continual succession. But real purchasers-that of the human race have ever enjoy ed an opportuni- is, such as purchase stocks to invest funds for the ty of making an election of government more than receipt interest, are of little account in the stock of air, soil or climate, for themselves or their chilmarket; where the trade goes on, buying and selling, dien.-When! before the present epocha, had three without delivery, in numerous cases,like the famous millions of people full power and a fair opportuni-Tulip trade which had its day in Holland, many ty to form and establish the wisest and happiest years ago. The case is different with the American government that human wisdom can contrive? Istocks; these are only to a certain extent in the hope you will avail yourself and your country of market-the trade in them is limited, and they do that extensive learning and indefatigable industry not serve the stock-jobbers and others the purposes which you possess, to assist her in the formations of money, so easily as the British stocks do. A sale of the happiest governments, and the best charac-of them cannot always be effected, at half an hour's trof a gicat people-For myself, I must beg you notice-and hence they are, comparatively, of less to keep my name out of sight, for this feeble at- value, proportioned to the interest payable on them, tempt, if it should be known to be mine, would in the British money market. And besides, their oblige me to apply to myself those lines of the im-amount is too small to engage much of the attention mortal John Milton, in one of his sonnets, "I did but teach the age to quit their cloggs When lo! a barbarous noise surrounded me, Public stocks. FROM THE BOSTON CENTINEL. "The public stocks of modern nations have been considered the best criteria of the stability of their governments. By this rule, then, that of Great Britain is considered as firm as the Peruvian Andes. Take an example.-American stocks are considered to be next in stability;-but American securities, bearing six per cent. interest, will only command in specie one or two per cent. above par-whereas British stocks, bearing only three per cent. interest, will command in specie 70 per cent:-which at the rate of six per cent. would be 40 per cent. above par! What will the croakers and boasters say to this?" REMARKS. There is apparently a singular disposition in some A:nerican citizens to exalt the character of Great Britain even at the cost of their own country's reputation. The writer of the preceding paragraph seems to have that disposition-for, not content with the facts stated, which he assumes as "the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth" of the matter, he evidently exults at the supposed superior stability of the British government over that of the United States. One might have thought that this would rather be a subject for regret than of pleasure. It is true, when British three per cents. were at 70, in London, American six per cents. were no more than 102: but this is not "criteria of the stability of the governments." There is no man who be fieves that the present American debt will be perpetual; it is known to be in a rapid state of reduction, and its period is reasonably calculatedwhereas, there is no man who dreams or supposes that the British debt will ever be paid; it is by all accounted an impossibility to do it. There is, then, something else, besides the presumed "stability" of the respective governments, that makes the British capitalist willing to give a higher comparative! of the great dealers in stocks-who turn in one week as great a value of British stocks as the whole debt of the United States ainounts to. But there is another point of view in which the editor of the Boston Centinel might have represented the matter more fairly, if he had pleased. He could have compared three per cents. with three per cents. We have not seen any quotation of the American 3 per cents, in the British market, but it may be presumed they bear the same relation to the 6 per cents. there that they do here. The prices current at Baltimore, last week, gave 6 per cents. 1004; and 3 per cents. at 65. The first being 102 in London, would give the latter there, at the same rate, a little more than 68 pr. ct.-only 2 pr. ct. less than the British 3 per cents. in the British market. Further, and to shew that the price of the British 3 per cents. were not raised to 70 for the sake of the interest to be received, we may observe that when the 3 per cents. were at 70, the five per cents. were only 99-As 3 is to 5 so is 70 to 116 2-3--which ought to have been the price of the 5 per cents. instead of 99. Observations on Flour and Bread. The following series of experiments and remarks are deeply interesting to a large portion of our readers; and the facts, so carefully ascertained, will instruct and amuse those who have no need to profit by them. The gentleman who communicated them stands second to no man as a nice observer of truth, and what he alleges on this, as on other occasions, may be entirely relied upon. In his letter, enclosing the article, he says "it was "my intention to have carried these experiments "still further, and to have reduced them to a "certain degree of order, which, owing to a va"riety of circumstances, I was compelled to relinquish"-adding, "I now send them to thee, in "their rough state, to be made use of as may be "most agreeable. These experiments were made "with sufficient accuracy, and my notes entered "immediately on weighing the bread," &c. We have thought that in their "rough state" they are, the most explicit, and have not ventured any alteration of their matter or manner. "The peck loaf of England must weigh 1776. 6oz. tained of the accuracy of these experiments; but I for which about 14/6. of flour is usually employed; have none, as the wheat was manufactured in my the half-peck weighs 8b. 11oz; the quartern loaffown mill, and the bread made up and baked in my 4'b. 5oz. 8drs.-hence, in the usual way of sale, 56 own family. ounces of flour makes 691oz. of bread; or 10%. of A third experiment was made (27th 9.h mo.) with flour makes 126. of bread"-"514/6. of flour, when 14b. of flour, of quality No. 2, made up with 15. baked, produced 672lb. of household bread, or at the 7oz. of yeast, and the requisit quantity of water. rate of 30 per cent. beyond the weight of the flour" The result was 193/bs. of bread when cool-which "this is at the rate of 135. of bread to 10%. of is an advance of 41b. 2oz. per cent. In experiments flour. I presume this bread was weighed warm." No. 1 and 2, the veast was not weighed, supposing "According to lord Sheffield, the general calcula the measure used would contain (being a milk pn) tion is, that a Winchester bushel of wheat, weighing no more than 1%. but on weighing a like quantity, 6076. will produce 54b. of meal, 54lb. of bran, and in experiment No. 3, the result was as above stated th. of water; that this 54%. of meal will make 68lb. [1lb. 7oz.*] being that kind of rising called here of bread. This is at the rate of 1346. of bread to "sotts," a Dutch term, I presume. This difference 10lb. of flour." "It appeared from the examination in the weight of the yeast will make a correspon lent of the bakers, about the period of the scarcity in difference in the resul's of No. 1 and 2, and will England, that American flour, weight for weight, be accounted for hereafter. produced rather more bread than the best English 10th mo. 6th.-A fourth experiment was made with Hour"-"Hence, I conclude, that 10lb. of Ameri- 14/b. of flour, made from wheat of the present your can flour ought to make 1316. of bread, if well ma- (1814) This flour was laid to rise with the usual naged."-Emporium, vol. 5, page 277.* quantity of "sotts" (1 pint) and mixed with two In order to ascertain whether the above trials and quarts of milk and half a pint of water: the proopinions would correspond with experiments made duct was 21lbs. of bread, weighed when warm:under my own direction, I weighed 126 of flour, this is equal to 153/6. 8oz. of bread to 100%s. of which, being made up with 1lb. of yeast and 5 pints flour, or an advance of 531b. 8oz. per cent. an unexof milk, and baked in my own house, produced 173 pected result—in addition to which it is proper to pounds of bread, carefully weighed when nearly mention that, supposing this flour would prove cool. Two weeks after the above trial, I weighed similar to a previous baking of new flour (which 14lb. of flour, which was, in like manner, made up was runny) a small portion of flour, supposed to be with 1lb. of yeast and 5 pints of milk-the bread equal in quantity to that employed in making the was weighed in a similar state with the first experiment, and produced 204lbs. of bread. The above trials were made in the 8th and 9th months (August and September) of the present year (1814.) The wheat from which the bread first mentioned was made was from the peninsula between the Delaware and Chesapeake bays, and of what would be called middling quality-the second parcel of bread was made from flour of New-Jersey wheat, of a superior quality, well cleaned. Both parcels of wheat were of the harvest of 1813. "sotts," was reserved to mix up in the morning with the dough, but as it was found unnecessary, it may, therefore, be safely calculated that 134. of flour produced the 2116. of bread-which is an advance equivalent to 59b. 7oz. per cent. The wheat of which the above flour was made exme from the peninsula between the Delaware and Chesapeak?. 11th mo. 19th.-3lbs. of Indian meal were made into hasty pudding and laid to rise with 14/6. superfine flour, 1 pint of yeast and 5 pints of water-the product was 211b. 40. of bread; increase, 25 per` cent. The wheat of which the above our was made was a mixture of the crops of 1813 and 1814, fron the peninsula; the flour not of good quality-the bread proved hard and unpleasant; whether owing to that cause or a want of milk in making it up, the product was much less than I expected. The product of the first quantity of flour (121b.) is at the rate of 145lb. 13oz. to 100lb. of flour. The second parcel (14b. of flour) produced at the rate of 1461b. 8oz. 4drs. to the 100lbs. of flour. The average of these two trials is an increase of 461b. 0oz. 13drs. per cent. which exceeds the Bri- 1st mo. 25th, 1815.-3lbs. of Indian meal was made tish average by 50 per cent. Doubts may be enter-into hasty pudding, with 8 pints of water, and mix. ed up with 14lbs. of superfine flour, 2 pints of water *NOTE-The above observations of lord Sheffield, and i pint of yeast-the product was 23lbs. of bread; with respect to the product of wheat, do not accord an increase of 35 5-17 per cent. This wheat was of with the experience of millers in this neighborhood: the crop of 1814, quality tolerable-the grain from For, though our wheat probably contains less water the western shore of the Delaware. than the English wheat, in consequence of our cli 9th mo. 13th, 1816-Having a parcel of good wheat mate being less humid, yet the quantity of filth that in the mill from Virginia, of the crop of the present is brought to market in the American wheat, owing year, 14lbs. of the flour of that wheat was laid to to the common method of treading it out, and to rise with 1 pint of "sotts," and made into dough other circumstances, causes a loss of from 2 to 56. with six pints of water. The bread, when nearly per bushel, instead of of a pound, including wa-cool, weighed 193lbs. giving an increase of 41 per ter. The quantity of bran also (owing to like causes) cent. is, on an average of the different qualities of wheat, 11th mo. 9th-14lbs. of the flour of a good parcel nearer 9 pounds than 5. By the word meal it is pre-of Virginia wheat was laid to rise (last evening) sumed that lord Sheffield intended to include every quality of the flour; but in the United States vari- *On measuring a pint of milk and weighing ous qualities of stuffs, superior to bran, are made it, (9th mo. 26th) it gave 1lb. 302-the measure, from every parcel of wheat-viz. superfine, mid-such as is commonly made use of in this neighbordlings and ship stuff, for ship bread-and ship stuff hood. But, with respect to weights and measures, for horse-feed. The writer apprehends that the the community are pretty much in the state that British wheat is generally kiln-dried before it is Israel was when "every man did that which was manufactured; if that is the case it is probably much right in his own eyes," thanks to our congress, who drier than the American wheat when it comes into have it in their power to do a great good, by a judithe hand of the miller to be ground. cious regulation of weights and measures. |