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distributor who has a vision beyond his other reasons has shook the nation to its individual farın or workshop or counting-centre,)—the very men who took the fearful house, and who sees the necessity of ac-responsibility of instilling this idea into the tively taking means to guard against those mind of the multitude for their self-aggranpolitical measures which sometimes sweep dizement, instinctively shrank back from inaway entire branches of industry, must be corporating the principle of conquest even looked upon with distrust by those prudent into their code of policy, and covered up men who control the sources of credit and their conquest—the very ground that their capital. Is not this the mere caution of armies occupied—by purchase and indemnblindness, that can only grope its way, and nity; whereas could they have ustified the is more likely to grope its way into a pit positions upon which they acted, in beginthan avoid it?
ning and conducting the war, they could For our part, we believe that the im- have claimed indemnity instead of paing mense disproportion between failures and it. And thus the people were first made to success so often commented on in this coun- pour out their blood to violate their printry, is owing to the too exclusive devotion ciples of government, and then made to which we give to the narrow circle of our pour out their treasure to patch over the individual operations, to the neglect of those wound. general principles in which we are all bound The glaring abomination of this case, the up together. We all know that this selfish- debts which it entailed, and the sectional ness is wrong; and it has its reward in the feuds which it excited and exasperated, notorious uncertainty of success, and in the aroused the real strength and intelligence of narrowing influence it exerts upon the mind the nation, and those who might have preof the country, incapacitating it for enlarged vented it had only the satisfaction of hurland intelligent views and actions even in ing the perpetrators from the places of regard to its individual affairs. But this is power which they desecrated. This is an the lowest view that we can take of the sub- experience within the memory of all. Shall ject. There are other necessities for arous- it be, in the language of the maxim which ing the intelligence of the country to the we have placed at the head of our article, responsibilities which it cannot avoid, that only a "stern light to illumine the tract we we must glance at in the brief space that have passed !" Surely it is too recent for remains to us. These prudent men at that ! Surely the signs of its repetition in whom we are aiming do not mix enough probably a much worse form are too obvious with the multitude to be aware of the to be disregarded by those who have any prindangerous elements that exist among us. ciples to preserve, or would have any country They have not considered the reckless thirst to honor, or worth honoring. Look at the for conquest and dominion that stirs the facts of the case. Some reckless schemers blood of our unsettled population; an ele- or adventurers, utterly regardless of the conment that the demagogues of party are ever sequences to others, by the most cruel misstriving to ride into power and place upon, representations and audacious falsehoods, inand that is rapidly undermining, not only the veigled into a mad expedition against the settled policy which has led to results of government of the island of Cuba a few prosperity beyond that of any other nation, brave and thoughtless men. How far bebut the very principles which distinguish hind the ostensible workers, either editors us from all governinents founded upon or park-orators, the real designers of this power and upheld by force. It must be scheme against the lives of adventurous and obvious to every thinking man, we care not enthusiastic men stand, their own cowardice on what side of politics he may be, that leaves us no means of knowing. But cerconquest and propagandism by the sword tain it is they were workers in the dark, is an idea utterly at variance with pure re- and with the tools of darkness, falsehood publicanism; and if acted upon, leading and fraud. They had therefore no publio certainly through anarchy back to des sympathy, and appealed to no public suppotism. In the case that has already oc- port. It is then a libel on the nation to curred,—the war with Mexico, and the connect it in any way as such with this acquisition from that nation of a large por- in itself insignificant and lawless adventure. tion of her territory, (a circumstance that for But neither with the fact of its insignificance,
nor with the supposition of its nationality, I would lead them astray are sure to me had the Administration at Washington any their reward. thing to do. The simple fact of its illegal Finally, the position of this country is ity was to dictate the rule of its conduct. reference to the present state of the attain Strictly according to such rule did it act. of the world, and the cause of human free It issued the usual proclamation which all dom and happiness generally, is such : administrations in like circumstances have will excuse no one member of this Republe issued. The President warned the actors from an active participation in its politics that according to the laws of the land they The United States of America, having de would place themselves beyond its protec- clared a system of government based upoa tion, and he took the regular and legiti- the abstract rights of man, gave it an or mate means of preventing any armed ex- ganized form by a Constitution that recog pedition being fitted out, in strict accord-nized no arbitrary element, either for the ance with what he was bound to do by his people or against them, (knowing by an isoath of office. These are the unquestiona- stinctive wisdom that that which is arbitrary ble facts of the case; and now what do we has no limits, and is the root of all tyranns,) see? Why, a deliberate attempt to fan this but built upon principles their whole strucflimsy pretense into a flame of sympathy, ture. Under this crowning work of politiand direct it against the Administration for cal wisdom this nation has presented a specpurely political ends. No one can read the tacle of order, happiness and progress, which resolutions, speeches, or articles of the op- has reacted upon the entire civilized world. position upon the subject, without instantly The subjects of other governments have perceiving this purpose. They have obvious- poured in upon us with unexampled rapidily no design or desire for the liberty of any ty, welcomed as they are by our laws to one, but only for their own political success. share our prosperity and freedom. Our They will risk raising a storm that may de- diplomatic relations are extended to all stroy the Union for the sake of the places courts; our commercial intercourse pene or the plunder it may enable them to ac- trates the marts and exchanges of all naquire. Is not this then obviously the be- tions. Thus at every point we have touched ginning of another case, just such as we have and inoculated the nations of the world with seen so recently emphatically condemned ly the idea of the perfect practicability of selfthe nation, aroused when too late to do any government among men, and of the utter thing but punish the perpetrators ? and is insufficiency of any other system to their there not an obvious necessity that it should best development and progress. This has be aroused now before it is again too late ? been done silently, but surely and effective Could a general attention to the schemes of ly, by adhering to the policy laid down with these politicians be awakened, we should such earnestness by our immortal Washinghave no fear of their success.
ton-by abstaining from all interference We have long observed that it is a prin- with others, and firmly repelling the interciple in the political tactics of the Demo- ference of any with ourselves. Respecting the cratic party to get up some question upon legal rights of all, but requiring to the last which they can create an excitement by ap- tittle our own, we have shown to the conceited peals to the passions and prejudices of the bigots of absolutism and the timid crouching multitude on the eve of the election, when , under the protecting shadow of kings, that there is not left sufficient time for discus- order and law, justice and equity, are equally sion to rectify the judgment they would as distinct elements in our system as the compel. It is invariably the case that a liberty of the individual. Now this glorious thorough discussion of the subject settles it position—a position unspeakably grand and against them. In this case they have sprung important, the very greatest hope that the the mine too soon, and it will be entirely world has for a future of true progress-is the fault of those who see these tricks in imminent danger. Demagoguism is about from the beginning if the truth is not laying its unholy hands upon this ark of our made to prevail against them. Our people safety and of the world's regeneration, and are impulsive, but not lacking in intelli- endeavors to pervert the feelings and most gence. Bring their “ sober second thoughts” sacred sympathies of the people to purposes to a question, and the de who of party aggrandizement, and ultimately to
the destruction of our prosperity, our honor, Polk, of selecting a tool, and pledging him and our influence. There is, from our now to the work they require him to do, nothing extended intercourse, constant liability of the is safe, nothing is sacred. rights of our citizens or the nation being in- With such elements, then, around us, and fringed, and a physical contest between ab- such consequences to our individual wellsolutism and republicanism being provoked being and national safety and prosperity as by the former. It may be that such a case we have pointed out before us, might we as the former has arisen in Austria, in her not as well plead our business against our unjustifiable treatment of Mr. Brace, and the religious duties, or our personal comfort latter may have arisen in the interference of against the support of our wives and chilEngland in Central American affairs. But dren, as to plead either of these against that in these and others that may arise, how es- attention to politics and our duties as citisential that we should have statesmen such zens, which can only keep us free from false as we now have at the head of the govern- systems of public economy, save the nation ment, instead of mere demagogues, who, by from unjust wars, maintain with the Constiputting us in the wrong, weaken us before tution the harmony of the States among the world ; and by claiming, for party pur- themselves, and perpetuate for ourselves and poses, untenable positions, obtain their places, the world the pure form of constitutional and end by giving up to the strong, as in republicanism bequeathed to us by the great the Oregon case, what they valiantly wrest Washington and his immortal compatriots, from the weak ? Formerly, when this reck- the framers of our wonderful Constitution, less party selected for their candidates men the definers and establishers of the rights of of character and statesmanship, there was mankind, who have left to us, their postelittle danger of their vagaries being carried rity, the mighty responsibility of defending out into practice. But since they have these inestimable interests against all foes, adopted the system, as in the case of Mr.' without or within the Republic !
It was during this month that I composed | a manner which could very little disquiet the argument of the Phedo on the immor- the authorities. Nevertheless, either betality of the soul. Santa-Rosa had desired cause his companions in exile were less pruthat I should see as clearly as himself into dent than himself
, or for some other reason, the obscurity of this difficult question. His the vigilance of the Government was refaith, as vivid as sincere, went farther than doubled. My visit to Alençon, in the state that of Socrates and Plato; the clouds of my health, troubled the police ; that which I perceived still hanging over the de- which was only an impulse of the heart aptails of the soul's immortality, after the dis-peared bravado, or even a plot, and impasolution of the body, pressed mournfully tience on account of such an existence enupon his heart, and he regained his serenity tered into the soul of Santa-Rosa. He cononly after our discussions of the day, at our fided to me the contents of the letter which evening walk, when wandering together at Colonel Fabvier, one of our common friends, sunset, as chance directed, about Alençon, had written him. Fabvier announced to we mingled our hopes for this life and the him that his safety was menaced, that an life to come in a mute and profound hymn extradition, or at least that a new imprisonof faith to Divine Providence.
ment was possible ; he advised him to flee to Santa Rosa wrote only to a very small England, and offered to furnish him the number of persons, and lived, as we see, in means. At such a day and at such an hour
a post-chaise might be found a half-league Chambers. The men who, like myself, feel the full from Alençon, with some devoted friends, extent of their misfortunes and those of their to transport Santa-Rosa in disguise towards country, do not like to have them spoken of; but, a seaport where the means of flight to Eng, sound, and which are spreading through all Eu
my Lord, the words which you have caused to reland would be arranged. We recognized rope, force me to break silence. To be ungrate in this proposition the heart of him who ful for benefits, to disavow a protector, is wicked made it; but we immediately rejected it. ness; to suffer one to attribute to us, to impose Flight, on the part of Santa-Rosa, would upon us gratitude, when the injustice which ophave been almost avowing that he doubted presses us weighs upon the heart, is also wicked
The proscribed Italians, my Lord, will his right; it would have been dishonoring never descend to that: they may be pursued, the judgment of “ no cause for action” ren- imprisoned, overwhelmed with misfortune ; they dered by the French justice, and wickedly will not forget what they owe to their own charsuspended by the police of M. Corbière. acter and to that country, so dear and so unforto
nate, whose reputation is their first care. I own Upon that, Santa Rosa and myself did not it would have been sweet to enjoy the benevolence even deliberate. But Santa Rosa saw with of the French Government, to live under the profright the moment arrive when I should re- tection of the author of the French Charter, by turn to Paris, and when he should dwell which liberty has appeared after forty years of alone at Alençon, without friends, without Italians proscribed for the same cause, and the
opposition. Other kings of France protected the books, without aid for his heart and his last defenders of the liberty of Florence and studies.
Sienna found in France a second country, under In the mean time there was in the Cham- the shade of the throne of Francis I and Henry IL ber of Deputies a lively discussion, in which I came with a Swiss passport and with a borrowed
“ Behold what has happened to me in France several members of the
opposition complain- name in the false belief that this precaution might ing of the tricks of the French police towards secure me a peaceable abode at Paris. I lived the Italian refugees, M. Corbière, Minister in that city and the country during four months ; of the Interior and the Police, pretended was tranquil, and should I not have been so when that the refugees were not of the same last month I was seized by the agents of the av opinion as their defenders, and that they thority, in a public place of Paris, and conducted were satisfied with the conduct of the French to the prefecture of police, where I read on the Government towards them. Santa-Rosa
mandate of arrest which was presented to me found the words of the Minister as false as I asked to be conducted before the Prefect of Po
these words: • Detected in seditious intentions.' his conduct had been unjust, and he believed lice, and I immediately declared to him my real it due to his honor and the honor of his name. After a long interrogation I was entered companions in misfortune to publish the in the jailer's book at the prison of Salle Saint following letter in answer to the discourse Martin, and my trial came on in course. The me of M. Corbière:
gistrates must have found in my conduct and in
my papers a very complete absence of signs of “My LORD:-A member of the Chamber of culpability in political matters, because the pro Deputies, rising, at the session of the seventh of cedure was reduced to a case of irregularity of this month, to speak against the abuses of the passport. I was expecting to be judged and conadministration, judged it proper to designate the demned upon this last point. I knew my wrong; treatment which the Piedmontese refugees receive I was resigned to bear its penalty. I had com. in France. It pleased your Excellency to say, in mitted only one material fault, it is true; nothing reply, that these strangers show themselves grate was purer than my intentions, but this was still ful for the protection of the French Government contravention of law, and it is not justifiable in my and for the benevolence of the King, and there was eyes. The French magistracy did not think it a a manifestation of surprise at the injustice of such duty to insist on a rigorous and literal application complaints. Such are the expressions stated in of the law; it disdained to bend, under any cir the Moniteur of August 10th. Other journals, cumstances, its lofty principles of equity. The doubtless less exact, have made your Excellency primary court returned a verdict of no cause of speak with a hardness which would not be in ac- action. The public ministry opposed this first cordance with your character.
judgment. The royal court pronounced a second “ My Lord, after having been conducted here by favorable judgment, and ordered my release in the your orders, and after having in vain addressed to accustomed firm. I then asked your Excellency you my complaints, I might have had recourse to for the privilege of enjoying French hospitality, the Chambers. I did not do it. Constrained by that is, for the privilege of living in France under my principles to remain a perfect stranger to the the protection of the laws of the kingdom. I be affairs of every other country than my own, I lieved that the French Government ought to it preferred to wait in peace till the Government demnify me by this good act for all that unjust should repair its injustice, rather than become the apprehensions in regard to my political conduct subject of a lively discussion in the midst of the bad made me suffer. This illusion, of which I am
not ashamed, soon vanished; I saw myself at first I taken up arms only in the hope (unfortunately retained nine days in prison, simply upon a letter deceptive) of securing the independence of the from the Prefect of Police to the door-keeper; a crown of the country, and to give legitimacy by real violence exercised upon my person, which, public institutions to the government of a family after the decision of the royal court, could be de- which was always dear to them, --men who, when prived of its liberty only in virtue of a new war- power was concentred momentarily in their hand rant issued by the magistrate. The response of by the force of circumstances, and in the midst of your Excellency arrived. It was an order to the the greatest dangers, oppressed no one. Prefect of Police to conduct me with a guard to "I have spoken only in my own name, my Alençon, to remain there under the surveillance of Lord ; but I have the courage to believe that no the local authority. As soon as I arrived at the one of the Italian refugees in France will wish to place of relegation, I wrote to your Excellency contradict me. There is not one who knows how that I no longer asked the French Government for to violate truth and honor. an asylum in France, but for passports to England.
“I am, with respect, my Lord, I received no response, and you, my Lord, had “ Your very humble and very obedient servant, doubtless forgotten my claim when you uttered in
“The Count DE SANTA-ROSA. the tribune the words which I have cited.
Alençon, August 14, 1822." “These facts, which do not concern me alone, and which are nearly common to me with MM.
One would think that this noble and deMuschietti and Calvetti
, my compatriots, arrested at the same time with myself, and banished with fying language must have irritated the conme, are known to your Excellency, and might, if gregated police. Soon an arrest from the necessary, be proved by the authentic documents. Minister of the Interior transferred SantaI carefully preserve the judgment of the royal Rosa from Alençon to Bourges, aggravating court of Paris, as a monument of the protection his situation and driving him at every hazard which my innocence found before the French magistracy.
to quit France, where he no longer hoped for “ Now, my Lord, I ask you whether we have a supportable hospitality. been treated in France with justice or with injus But I resume my narration at my departtice, with benevolence or with malevolence; whe
ure from Alençon, and my return to Paris, ther we have been protected or whether we have been oppressed ? We have not been sent to the August 12. The following are the fragscaffold, erected at Turin for the authors of the ments of our correspondence during the revolution of March, 1821 ; a minister never dared month of August and the month of Septo present such a measure for the signature of a tember :son of Henry IV. But we are retained in France against our wish, we are deprived of our liberty,
“ ALENCON, August 14. notwithstanding the tribunal of royalty solemnly "I wait with an impatience, of which you can recognized our innocence; in a word, it is not hos- form no idea, for the news of your journey. I pitality which is accorded to us, but a prison. We have earnestly recommended you to God. I had should have asked for that, my Lord; then only not for a long time felt his presence so vividly in would the words of your Excellency have been my heart. I have implored upon you all the ben. irreproachable. As for me, that which I have edictions of Heaven; that Heaven may protect asked, that which I still ask, is a passport or hospi- you, that it may give you strength to support tality without odious conditions; and I ask it pub- prosperity as well as adversity. Every thing licly, in the interest of truth and that of my own comes from heaven, you well know. Write me personal dignity. It shall be known that it is not two words of Laenneck and Plato. If the first true that the conduct of the French Government is not discontented with your condition, so much inspires us with gratitude. My Lord, when Eu- the better; if he makes up a face, remember he is rope shall be closed to us, we will go to another only one man. I trust and always trust in you. hemisphere rather than resign ourselves to an asy- You, a man so beloved by your friends, offend lum so dishonorable; but we are not reduced to God if you contemplate your existence with a this extremity. Several of our unfortunate com sombre eye. There are cruel, bitter misfortunes patriots live in peace under the protection of old which you do not understand, and which produce England, and a great number have found beyond the effect of slow poison. The organization of my the Pyrenees a generous nation which, forgetting body does not feel its effects: it is so strong ! but in some part its own calamities, has loaded them the soul. . . But it is better to speak of somewith benefits.
thing else, and to come back to the material of “After all that I have just said, my Lord, it life. Here is the letter to M. Corbière. It is will be possible to judge whether France is an somewhat strong, but truth is truth. The original asylumn for the unfortunate ; and I should have will go to-morrow by way of the prefect to whom Dothing to add if your Excellency had not applied I shall send it myself
. the expression of merited misfortune. The name "I am too much occupied with the conse of the illustrious citizen who first proclaimed the quences of my act to permit me to continue tranmaxim to which your Excellency makes allusion, quilly my studies. The haughty La Mennais does will always be pronounced with respect by the me no good; I like my dear Catholic Church good of all countries; but the application could better, when '1 defend it in the name of reason, not regard us: it does not regard men who have not against good philosophy, but against bad.