portations, which caused the heavy consumption | a policy detrimental to the best material stated above-while the foreign gools were com- interests of the nation, those whose means ing in-the country wore the fallacious appear and enterprise and sagacity would be a blessance of prosperity, until the catastrophe arrived and the bubble burst.

ing to the whole, operating in the direction "At each of these periods, as the importations of the true, may, and will, adapt themselves arrived when the amount of the duties were to this false system. Their conformity to it pouring into the treasury, as they did in all except may be less detrimental to them individually 1841-the respective Secretaries might have congratulated themselves as Mr. Walker now con- than the time they must waste in the unceasgratulates himself in this Report--with this dif- ing contest they are obliged to wage against ference, that the evil day may be somewhat longer it. And so in regard to the principle of propo-tponed in consequence of our increased ex-tection or "free-trade," (which we continue to ports, should they continue. But as certainly as such over-consumption of foreign manufactures produced the revulsions then experienced, so certainly, under like circumstances, will the same thing occur again, sooner or later, under the tariff

of 1846."

use in illustration of the necessity of increasing political vigilance on the part of all,) we may have the nation divided into tillers of the soil and merchant princes; the seaboard dotted with cities crowded with external commerce; the former of these classes tributary to the other, there being no competition with them by miners and manufacturers; the wealth under the surface of the ground remaining buried, and the giant powers of our water-courses wasting themselves unused. We have already had practical intimations of this result, a tremendous counteracting influence to the pliancy of circumstances, under our system of government, which so many seem to rely upon against the permanency of any existing evils.

Now would it not appear, under the light of such facts as these; and predictions, the fulfillment of which we are at this present moment suffering, that the laws of this question ought to be considered as settled, from the most positive experience and induction? Would it not appear to be as rational to go back to ancient alchemy, when the ignes fatui of theories presided in the human mind over the laws of matter, now when induction has established principles, as base our policy upon a theory that has not yet one success in its repeated trials to point to in its support? How are we, then, to account for the constant repetition of this absurd experiment? How but by the pernicious recreancy of those who know better to their political duties? They act as if mere political theorists must be permitted to try their experiments; not realizing, until they are compelled by their individual suffering, that their common sense and experience are at all times as essential a political element in the affairs of this country as any writers of reports or actors on the political boards. Notwithstanding our professions, it is lamentable to think how long it must take to eradicate the traditional feeling that measures of Government are something to which we must submit, rather than something which belongs to each one of us, and which we should direct. Let us here put in a warning to those who think it un-it a trade-are almost universally theoretical necessary to take the trouble of deciding adherents to the Whig party. It would not these political questions in their own minds, be, we are sure, too much to say that of those and acting upon them. The power of adapting who neglect to vote at the average of electhemselves to the circumstances which sur- tions, nine in ten will be found to be Whigs round them which the people of this country-enough, probably, to turn the scale in any possess is unexampled in the history of any question that has been fairly discussed between nation. If the political theorists insist upon the two parties for the last twenty years.

Leaving now our illustration, which we have chosen from the pressing necessity of immediate action upon the subject of it, and the space that at the present time it fills in all men's thoughts, we will turn more definitely to our purpose of arousing, if possible, to action those upon whom the nation depends in all emergencies to turn the political scales, or to hold firmly in their posts the defenders of the right. We firmly believe that in favor of this principle of the Whig party, and every other important one, there is and has been always a majority of the people of these United States. Now it happens that the orderly, quiet and thrifty-those who eschew excitement, but allow themselves to be too exclusively and selfishly occupied with their own affairs, and who thoughtlessly contract a disgust to politics from the trickery and dishonesty practised by those who make

Will man in his actions never reach the fountains, will our public policy flow, and to level of his intelligence, and continue heroic such dictators, having accomplished their and firm only from necessity or through pas-ends-place and power-will we all have sion? Shall there, in our public affairs, to submit; and from this degeneracy will never be a settled principle of action, that shall ever press upon the consciences of men as a duty which there is no honesty in neglecting?

follow the swift destruction of the fairest theory of government that ever blessed the hopes of man. As the result of long struggle, earnest patriotism, and the heroic stake of "lives and fortunes and sacred honor," was established this theoretically perfect system for the maintenance of freedom and the security of universal right and justice. But in the establishing of a theory, however he roically done, and in the organization of a government by it, with whatsoever wisdom accomplished, hero nor sage had no such conception as seems to be acted upon by their posterity, namely, that they were fix

What now is to be done in such a case as this? We can only continue to utter our appeals and our warnings, and call upon all those who have any means of arousing and influencing public opinion to direct their exertions towards this point, as one through which, at this and every crisis, they can most directly and practically benefit their country. There seems to be a feeling pervading many well-meaning minds, that those are the most favorable periods for the Re-ing for ever the fate of their successors by public when political excitement is allayed, simply giving them this theory and these when there is no definite contest of opinion institutions. No! they knew that liberty, going on, and indifference exists as to the like virtue, is a constant warfare-that its dominance of this or that set of principles price is eternal vigilance. They effectually in the administration of the government. conquered its enemies from without, but they Nothing can be more fallacious than such an knew that it would for ever be in danger idea. It may not always be necessary that from those within. They relied as much an army should be engaged in warfare to upon us, their posterity, as they did upon insure its efficiency, but it is always neces- the justice of their cause, and their own wissary that it should be constantly drilled and dom, self-sacrifice, and devotion to right. exercised. How much more is this the Had they not expected to perpetuate themcase in that state of political existence to selves in their sons, they would not have exwhich we have been called-a state of con- pected their work to be perpetuated; they stant warfare for the truth or vigilant watch- would have felt that their lives were sacrifulness against the encroachments of error ficed in vain, that their fortunes were thrown and the corruptions of vice. We have away, and that their honors were tarnished adopted and glory in the possession of a po- by wresting from a crown and an aristocracy itical system in which opinion is to rule their rightful possession, government, and the opinion of all without reservation. The conferring it upon the people, who are incameans of its action is through universal suf-pable or too selfish to use it. That which frage. It is unrecognized, utterly inopera- makes universal suffrage secure is its practical tive, except through the vote at the ballot- universality: we want the vote of the phibox. It is necessary to our theory of govern- losopher from among his books as well as the ment that this voting should be founded, so laborer from the field; the clergyman from to speak, on well-considered and definitely- his desk as well as the merchant from his formed opinion. In order that such opinion counting-house; the rich man with his conshould be in constant readiness for the ever-servative tendencies as well as the poor man recurring voting that our system demands, it is necessary that constant discussion should by all legitimate modes be kept up. If discussion and a wholesome excitement is so kept up, voting will follow as a natural and a legitimate consequence. If it is not so kept up, the most of the voting will not be an expression of opinion, but of passion, feeling, or blind prejudice, or simply the dictation of demagogues. From such sources, as

with his desire of change. The radical must not rule with his destructive theories, but be only an element of motion. The conser vative must not be king with his unyielding adhesion to what is, but only a regulator to the wheel of progress, like the principle of gravity to the motion of the earth. Let each one act out his nature, be the creature of his circumstances, for these are God's elements in the subject; but let him honestly strive for

honesty of purpose and opinion, and let him | What shall we say then? Are these men throw these off into the political atmosphere mean, selfish, dastardly? Is their intelliof his country, for this is the work bequeathed gence and virtue only an easy habit, and not to him by those he reverences, and in it lies an active principle? Will they suffer their his only political safety and well-being. It government to be corrupted willingly, so is the universal principle we would inculcate, that they enjoy their ease? Not altogether alike applicable to all parties, times, and so. They are only thoughtless, and suffer conditions; feeling as we do such an un- themselves to become disgusted with the wavering confidence in the truth of the great corruptions that others have introduced into principles of the Whig party, that we are politics; an evil, the result of their own sure nothing more is required to their gene- neglect, that they are thus lending themral and permanent success but a conscien- selves to perpetuate. There is guilt and tious fulfilment by all of those political obli- folly here. Let it be so understood, and let gations to which they are bound by the most us have a public sentiment that will dissacred considerations of patriotism and self- tinctly so regard it. Let us have organizarespect. Thus may it be seen how easy it tions among our active young men who do is to become in effect traitors to a govern- not regard themselves as politicians, to crement that, conferring, or rather confirming ate, act upon, and give an efficient vitality and making operative to the individual all to this public sentiment. Such organizations his rights and privileges, demands his warm- in all the wards of our cities, in all the disest affection and most constant and deter- tricts of the county, would infuse a new and mined support. He should consider every, healthful life into the body politic, would even the most trifling act that it demands paralyze demagoguism, and we are sure as of the most imperative character and sa- would establish the principles of the great cred obligation. national and constitutional Whig party, with its "American system" of political economy, as the permanent policy of the government.

Intelligent opinion and virtuous sentiment are the very life-blood which this form of government demands for its existence; and yet, strange anamoly! amazing paradox! the possessors of these refuse to exercise them in their noblest field for their own safety. They-for strange to say, it is to this class that such observations as these have to be addressed-they know that every preponderance obtained by error or vice on any occasion of political action, however trifling, endangers the government and inflicts a wound upon public virtue or public prosperity; and yet they neglect to vote. Would these men betray their country into the hands of an external enemy by refusing to do any act for her safety? We think that none would be so base. On such an emergency, where the act would be called heroism, they would be heroes. This patriotism then of theirs we must regard as a dormant feeling, requiring stimulants to arouse it to action. This intelligent opinion of theirs is only competent to their own petty and private interests; it is inspired by no generous ambition, and will jeopardize its own rather than stand by the public good. This virtuous sentiment is all required for home consumption, and cannot be spread abroad, although it may be nece sary to prevent ? of corruption t will set in eve own househd

The obstacle that stands most directly in the way of the purpose of this article, is the feeling pervading the community, that any attention to politics must necessarily interfere with a man's business affairs. This is not altogether an unnatural, but it is a most inconsistent though formidable element in the circumstances of our case. Let us see what consistency there is in it. We have already shown the vital, immediate, practical connection that exists between each man in this country and the government under which he lives. We have purposely taken our illus tration of this from a subject that has an immediate connection with his every day affairs. The adjustment of the tariff on imports is a matter as directly affecting him as any general business arrangement that he can make in his private affairs. His whole business connections may be affected by it favorably or unfavorably. His individual profit from the work of his hand, or the business on which his credit depends and his capital is invested, may rest entirely upon it. When it is arranged upon the senseless ad valorem principle, as the present

is, he may be at the mercy of any swintho will perjure him self for profit. And eactive producer, manufacturer, or

distributor who has a vision beyond his individual farm or workshop or countinghouse, and who sees the necessity of actively taking means to guard against those political measures which sometimes sweep away entire branches of industry, must be looked upon with distrust by those prudent men who control the sources of credit and capital. Is not this the mere caution of blindness, that can only grope its way, and is more likely to grope its way into a pit than avoid it?

other reasons has shook the nation to its centre,)—the very men who took the fearful responsibility of instilling this idea into the mind of the multitude for their self-aggrandizement, instinctively shrank back from incorporating the principle of conquest even into their code of policy, and covered up their conquest-the very ground that their armies occupied-by purchase and indemnity; whereas could they have ustified the positions upon which they acted, in beginning and conducting the war, they could have claimed indemnity instead of pa ing it. And thus the people were first made to pour out their blood to violate their principles of government, and then made to pour out their treasure to patch over the wound.

For our part, we believe that the immense disproportion between failures and success so often commented on in this country, is owing to the too exclusive devotion which we give to the narrow circle of our individual operations, to the neglect of those general principles in which we are all bound The glaring abomination of this case, the up together. We all know that this selfish- debts which it entailed, and the sectional ness is wrong; and it has its reward in the feuds which it excited and exasperated, notorious uncertainty of success, and in the aroused the real strength and intelligence of narrowing influence it exerts upon the mind the nation, and those who might have preof the country, incapacitating it for enlarged vented it had only the satisfaction of hurland intelligent views and actions even in ing the perpetrators from the places of regard to its individual affairs. But this is power which they desecrated. This is an the lowest view that we can take of the sub-experience within the memory of all. Shall ject. There are other necessities for arousing the intelligence of the country to the responsibilities which it cannot avoid, that we must glance at in the brief space that remains to us. These prudent men at whom we are aiming do not mix enough with the multitude to be aware of the dangerous elements that exist among us. They have not considered the reckless thirst for conquest and dominion that stirs the blood of our unsettled population; an element that the demagogues of party are ever striving to ride into power and place upon, and that is rapidly undermining, not only the settled policy which has led to results of prosperity beyond that of any other nation, but the very principles which distinguish us from all governments founded upon power and upheld by force. It must be obvious to every thinking man, we care not on what side of politics he may be, that conquest and propagandism by the sword is an idea utterly at variance with pure republicanism; and if acted upon, leading certainly through anarchy back to despotism. In the case that has already occurred, the war with Mexico, and the acquisition from that nation of a large portion of her territory, (a circumstance that for

it be, in the language of the maxim which we have placed at the head of our article, only a "stern light to illumine the tract we have passed?" Surely it is too recent for that! Surely the signs of its repetition in probably a much worse form are too obvious to be disregarded by those who have any principles to preserve, or would have any country to honor, or worth honoring. Look at the facts of the case. Some reckless schemers or adventurers, utterly regardless of the consequences to others, by the most cruel misrepresentations and audacious falsehoods, inveigled into a mad expedition against the government of the island of Cuba a few brave and thoughtless men. How far behind the ostensible workers, either editors or park-orators, the real designers of this scheme against the lives of adventurous and enthusiastic men stand, their own cowardice leaves us no means of knowing. But certain it is they were workers in the dark, and with the tools of darkness, falsehood and fraud. They had therefore no public sympathy, and appealed to no public support. It is then a libel on the nation to connect it in any way as such with this in itself insignificant and lawless adventure. But neither with the fact of its insignificance,

nor with the supposition of its nationality, I would lead them astray are sure to meet had the Administration at Washington any their reward. thing to do. The simple fact of its illegal- Finally, the position of this country in ity was to dictate the rule of its conduct. reference to the present state of the affain Strictly according to such rule did it act. of the world, and the cause of human freeIt issued the usual proclamation which all dom and happiness generally, is such s administrations in like circumstances have will excuse no one member of this Republic issued. The President warned the actors from an active participation in its politics. that according to the laws of the land they The United States of America, having de would place themselves beyond its protec-clared a system of government based upon tion, and he took the regular and legiti- the abstract rights of man, gave it an or mate means of preventing any armed ex-ganized form by a Constitution that recog pedition being fitted out, in strict accordance with what he was bound to do by his oath of office. These are the unquestionable facts of the case; and now what do we see? Why, a deliberate attempt to fan this flimsy pretense into a flame of sympathy, and direct it against the Administration for purely political ends. No one can read the resolutions, speeches, or articles of the opposition upon the subject, without instantly perceiving this purpose. They have obviously no design or desire for the liberty of any one, but only for their own political success. They will risk raising a storm that may destroy the Union for the sake of the places or the plunder it may enable them to acquire. Is not this then obviously the beginning of another case, just such as we have seen so recently emphatically condemned by the nation, aroused when too late to do any thing but punish the perpetrators? and is there not an obvious necessity that it should be aroused now before it is again too late? Could a general attention to the schemes of these politicians be awakened, we should have no fear of their success.

Our

nized no arbitrary element, either for the people or against them, (knowing by an instinctive wisdom that that which is arbitrary has no limits, and is the root of all tyranny,) but built upon principles their whole structure. Under this crowning work of politi cal wisdom this nation has presented a spec tacle of order, happiness and progress, which has reacted upon the entire civilized world. The subjects of other governments have poured in upon us with unexampled rapidity, welcomed as they are by our laws to share our prosperity and freedom. diplomatic relations are extended to all courts; our commercial intercourse penetrates the marts and exchanges of all nations. Thus at every point we have touched and inoculated the nations of the world with the idea of the perfect practicability of selfgovernment among men, and of the utter insufficiency of any other system to their best development and progress. This has been done silently, but surely and effectively, by adhering to the policy laid down with such earnestness by our immortal Washington,-by abstaining from all interference We have long observed that it is a prin- with others, and firmly repelling the interciple in the political tactics of the Demo-ference of any with ourselves. Respecting the cratic party to get up some question upon which they can create an excitement by appeals to the passions and prejudices of the multitude on the eve of the election, when there is not left sufficient time for discussion to rectify the judgment they would compel. It is invariably the case that a thorough discussion of the subject settles it against them. In this case they have sprung the mine too soon, and it will be entirely the fault of those who see these tricks from the beginning if the truth is not made to prevail against them. Our people are impulsive, but not lacking in intelligence. Bring their "sober second thoughts" to a question, and the des

legal rights of all, but requiring to the last tittle our own, we have shown to the conceited bigots of absolutism and the timid crouching under the protecting shadow of kings, that order and law, justice and equity, are equally as distinct elements in our system as the liberty of the individual. Now this glorious position-a position unspeakably grand and important, the very greatest hope that the world has for a future of true progress-is in imminent danger. Demagoguism is about laying its unholy hands upon this ark of our safety and of the world's regeneration, and endeavors to pervert the feelings and most sacred sympathies of the people to purposes who of party aggrandizement, and ultimately to