tion to be, were it not that the subject of the | Providential (for it must be considered in a law was a matter opposed to the moral con- no less solemn light) existence among them victions of some portion of the community. of the purest heart and wisest head that But does a difference of opinion as to the ever, in the annals of mankind, appeared thing enjoined by a law justify resistance? upon the stage of military and political acAssuredly not; for the person opposed to a tion, they established in the stead of the law, and against whose will it has been government overturned, this, the ideal of all enacted, should consider himself, if called sages, the goal of all political endeavor that upon to act on the subject at all, as acting was ever animated by intelligent and sincere by compulsion, and therefore not morally desire for the highest good of the species. responsible; whereas resistance to regularly They substituted for the monarchical, a govenacted law is undoubtedly, in a Republic, ernment totally different in principle, that the highest of crimes, except in such ex- was for ever to avoid the inherent defect treme cases as no one can pretend this is; of irresponsible power, to avoid the nefor in all cases, as Burke says, "The specula- cessity for ever of all resistance to law, betive line of demarcation, where obedience cause that law was to be made and repealed ought to end and resistance must begin, is by its subjects themselves. If now such faint, obscure, and not easily definable. It is sanction as we have mentioned has been not a single act, or a single event which de- given to the doctrine laid down in the pas termines it. Government must be abused sage we have quoted from Burke, as applicaand deranged, indeed, before it can be ble to resistance to a monarchy, who will thought of; and the prospect of the future dare to point out the time of resistance to a must be as bad as the experience of the government having no arbitrary element in past. When things are in that lamentable its nature, whilst admitting the rightfulness condition, the nature of the disease is to of any government whatever, or the possiindicate the remedy to those whom nature bility of man existing in an organized free has qualified to administer in extremities State? This resistance, covert or open, to this critical, ambiguous, and bitter potion to the regularly enacted law of the land, bea distempered State. Times and occasions cause we are in favor of something else,—we and provocations will teach their own les- the minority, what is it but resistance to the first article of our own political creed as republicans? Who is it that would thus open the dread Pandora box of a free State? They are the men who claim to be the peculiar friends of abstract rights. Blinded by the dazzle of the sun upon which they insist upon fixing their gaze, and the gaze of all they would have to follow, the light that should guide them becomes but a snare for their destruction. And these sophist politicians, who encourage them by mistifying the law with legal subtleties, are we to consider them as blind, or as scheming to rise by creating confusion? sons. The wise will determine from the gravity of the case; the high-minded from disdain and indignation at abusive power in unworthy hands; the brave and bold from the love of honorable danger in a generous cause but with or without right, a revolution will be the very last resource of the thinking and the good." This most wise and eloquent sentence, the earnest utterance of the most philosophical statesman of modern times, had reference to resistance to the decrees of a monarchy. Its truths were the actuating principles of the venerated founders of this Republic, as witness their long remonstrances and their final "Declaration." Yes, these, the wisest, purest, stern est asserters and defenders of human rights and individual freedom, felt the limitations of their individual judgments, felt the almost sacredness of existing authority, and the tremendous responsibility of constructing anew a power, whose authoritative mandate was to be the guide and defender of individual liberty and security, and the final arbiter, even in cases of conscience operating on the public weal. And by the We have not felt ourselves called upon heretofore to discuss in this Review this question directly on its merits, because heretofore it has been kept in the region of speculation, theory, and discussion. At last, however, it appears to be assuming the tangible shape of resistance, and men looked up to as guides are (intentionally or not) encouraging treason to our Constitutional obligations. It is our duty therefore to attempt to embody what we know to be the opinion of all sound and patriotic minds the Republic. sistance is something entirely new, and beyond the professed principles of the most ultra abolition organizations or organs, may be a startling proposition to some who have unthinkingly lent themselves to the work; but we shall demonstrate to them in a few words that so it is. The following is the preamble to the Constitution of the New-England Anti-Slavery Society: That this overt or covert re "We, the undersigned, hold that every person of full age and sane mind has a right to immediate freedom from personal bondage, of whatsoever kind, unless imposed by the sentence of the law for the commission of some crime. We hold that man cannot, consistently with reason, religion, and the eternal and immutable principles of justice, be the property of man. We hold that whoever retains his fellow-man in bondage is guilty of a grievous wrong. We hold that a mere difference of complexion is no reason why any man should be deprived of any of his natural rights, or subjected to any political disability. While we advance these opinions as the principles on which we intend to act, we declare that we will not operate on the existing relations of society by other than peaceful and lawful means, and that we will give no countenance to violence or insurrection" !! "This Society shall aim to elevate the character and condition of the people of color, by encouraging their intellectual, moral, and religious improvement, and by removing public prejudice; that thus they may show, according to their moral and intellectual worth, an EQUALITY with the whites of civil and religious privileges; but the Society will never, in any way, countenance the oppressed in force." vindicating their rights by resorting to physical In the address put forth by them in the year 1835, they say : "We hold that Congress has no more right to abolish slavery in the Southern States than in the French West India Islands. Of course, we desire no national legislation on the subject. We hold that slavery can only be lawfully abolished by the Legislatures of the several States in which it prevails, and that the exercise of any other than moral influence to induce such aboli ion is UNCONSTITUTIONAL, We believe that Congress has the same right to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia that the State Governments have within their respective jurisdictions; and that it is their duty to efface so foul a blot from the national escutcheon. We believe that American citizens have the right to express and publish their opinions of the Constitution, and laws, and institutions of any and every State and nation, and we mean never to surrender the liberty of speech, of the press, or of And the second article of the Constitu- conscience." tion is as follows: "The entire abolition of slavery in the United States. While it admits that each State in which Slavery exists has, by the Constitution of the United States, the exclusive right to legislate in regard to its abolition in that State, it shall aim to convince all our fellow citizens, by arguments addressed to their understandings and consciences, that slaveholding is a heinous crime in the sight of God; and that the duty, safety, and best interests of all concerned require its immediate abandonment, without expatriation. The Society will also endeavor, in a constitutional way, to influence Congress to put an end to the domestic servitude, and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our common country which come under its control, especially in the District of Columbia, and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any State that may hereafter be admitted to the Union." And other objects of the Society were stated thus: In an address of the Anti-Slavery Society of Massachusetts, signed by W. L. Garrison and twenty-three others, is the following, to the same effect: "We are accused of interfering in the domestic concerns of the Southern States. We would ask those who charge this to explain precisely what they mean by interference. If, by interference, be meant any attempt to legislate for the Southern States, or to compel them by force or intimidation, to emancipate their slaves, we at once deny any such pretension. We are utterly opposed to any force on the subject but that of conscience and reason, which are mighty, through God, in the pulling down of strongholds. We fully acknow ledge that no change in the slave laws of the Southern States can be made unless by the Southern Legislatures. Neither Congress nor the Legisla tures of the free States have authority to change the condition of a single slave in the slave States.” * It will be seen from these quotations, that all these societies-societies that are considered as embodying all that is most fa natical on this subject-in these, their most solemn declarations, repudiate the idea of any treason to the Constitution or resistance to the law. Let them answer to their own consciences now, if any of them have violated these declarations and pledges? That resistance to the law we are discuss ing is going beyond the pledged position of the abolitionists themselves, we think has been made obvious, by what we have said, touching the constitutionality and propriety of the act, and the quotations just made from these their principles, put forth by them as the result of their most serious deliberations, when, if ever, they laid aside feelings to express the decisions of their reason. If these declarations and promises were made only when the crime they repudiated seemed beyond their reach, knowing that they had no possible power to operate against the institution in the States, it would appear still more odious, to take the first occasion when their principles could be tested, to violate them. Whatever of respect their sincerity of purpose may have heretofore excited, will surely be utterly destroyed by this bad faith, and palpable weakness. That the purpose of those who resist the law is down right, acknowledged treason, witness the following from the resolutions passed by the recent Anti-Fugitive-Slave-Law Convention held in Boston: 66 Resolved, That every provision in any constitution or statute, which commands the commission of a crime, is both morally and legally void; and no judge, magistrate, officer, or private person, is under any legal obligation to obey such provision, but when called on to act under it, is bound to disobey it, and assist in frustrating its operation. "Resolved, That since liberty, in the words of the Declaration of Independence, is an inalienable right, and the right of every slave to his freedom is always and every where perfect, slaveholding, which robs men of this inestimable birthright, is the greatest of crimes. 66 Resolved, That if the Constitution, in its true meaning, required the surrender of fugitives from slavery, the provision for that purpose would he utterly void in law, because requiring the commis sion of a crime." How utterly abominable and dangerous, under the circumstances of the case, are such sentiments as these! How entirely inconsistent with the possibility of government! There must be either organized society or anarchy. Organized government must be either of one man, of a few, or a government of the majority. Neither of But these are infallible, however pure may be their intentions; nor are they always capable of carrying out their best designs, from the existence of what really are, or are supposed to be, immovable obstacles. All governments are entitled to these considerations; how much more that in which all participate,-a Republic of universal suffrage; for the protection of all; established by a Constitution furnishing such wise legislative and executive machinery, for the prevention of crime in the individual, or to avoid the "commanding of crime" by itself, as has never before been seen among men. Should this government err, it has provided for its own fallibility by legitimate modes of correction. Should it command a crime, it asks no passive obedience in any real sense, but allows of discussion, of agitation, and of voting against, without restriction. that it may not be a mere shadow and delusion, it cannot allow every wild theorist, or even the sagest and best men, in their individual capacity, to resist its mandates, on the plea that their conscience will not allow them to obey. They have, it is true, the sacred right of martyrdom, and to that they must resort, if they would not incur the guilt of doing an evil that good may come— an evil that may be a thousand times greater than the one they would correct. For the rest, their fiery zeal and burning speech are but, the "torch of Erostratus," with which they would destroy this most beautiful labric erected for the oppressed of all the earth, that they may glut their morbid appetite for fame. They aspire not to the crown of martyrdom, but consider their "right to LIFE, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" and praise inalienable under any circumstances. To them and to all we commend the following wise and eloquent sentences, the conclusion of the discourse of the Rev. Dr. Adams "That decision being given, and the law proved to be law-you ask again what is your duty on Christian and ethical principles, in reference to a law which you dislike. I answer unhesitatingly, obedience to law, till such time as you can make it sure that the evils which that law entails so far overbalance all the good which obedience to law secures, that you are justified in resistance, for the sake of a surer, a higher, and a greater good. We do not say that the law itself may not be distasteful to your sensibilities; we do not say but that you may regret the necessity of its enactment; we do not forbid you to deplore the circumstances which gave it existence; we do not forbid you to use all proper means to substitute a law which is our own government, that resistance, the last rebetter; we do not deny the right of private judg-source of the thinking and the good,' is necessary ! ment, nor the right of resistance, nor the right of revolution; but in God's name, we do insist, before that last right be resorted to, and as you would justify your resistance on Christian principles, that you should convince yourself and convince others, that the benefits to be secured by resistance or revolution are vastly greater than any which follow acquiescence under constitutional order and security. To this narrow point we must come at last. You must not begin with natural rights and abstract rights, and push them in a blind, headstrong manner, in straight lines; for society is organized with a modification of our natural rights; and the advantages of a well-organized and well-governed social state are secured by the sacrifice of individual interests and personal preferences; and the question is, whether this state and order of things is not better than the resolution of society into its original elements, (if such a thing were possible,) each individual being left to assert and defend his own rights, in his own way, and by his own strength. "Our Divine Lord beheld the sufferings of his countrymen under Roman oppression. Jewish taxation was farmed out in a way to occasion the Jewish nation unprecedented suffering. The Pharisees, designing to entrap him, asked whether it was lawful to pay tribute tɔ Cæsar. Of whom, asked he in calmest majesty, do you take tribute; of children, or of strangers? They say, 'Of strangers. Then, replied he, are the CHILDREN FREE. But he did not take his stand on this natural right and refuse the tribute. Acquiescence even in an unjust law was better than any advantage which could be attained by a premature, inopportune, and abortive resistance. So he sent to the sea and procured the coin for himself and his disciples. A beautiful illustration, we must all admit, of the great law of Christian expediency. Let the best thing be done, that can be done, in given circumstances. Evils there are. But are they of such a character as to overbalance the good? Slavery is an1 evil. We allow no man to surpass us in our utter detestation of the system. It existed in the country when our stern-souled fathers were called to frame the government. It existed by no choice or fault of theirs. When deliberating as to the formation of a Constitution, they were compelled to recognize the existence of an evil which they deplored; just as in using steel for a lever, you must allow for its natural properties, its permanent elas ticity-the good notwithstanding the evil, when that evil is unavoidable and incidental. They have transmitted to us a priceless heritage, though the evil still inheres. Would to God that it never had existed. But can we soberly, intelligently, and religiously decide that it is so great, intolerable, and incurable, that we are justified in defying, law, tearing the Constitution, revolutionizing the government; risking the advantages enjoyed by us and our children, for the sake of its removal? Every man, I think, will pause ere he rushes on such a decision, Circumnavigate the globe; where do you find a government better than our own; one which better answers the ends of government? Go to Madrid, to Vienna, to Constantinople, to Rome, to Petersburg, to Rio Janeiro, to Mexico, and be thankful for your own chartered, free and liberal government. It is the product of long history, of ancient events, ages of human experience. The roots of it lie back in the eventful scenes of other centuries. The scholar's lamp, the patriot's scaffold, the martyr's cell, the Christian's \ prayers, all the hopes of good men in ages past! have been converging, in the sweeping current of history, to the production of these liberal yet secure institutions in which we rejoice. I see the forms of our own fathers, wise in counsel, valiant in deed, Christian in purpose, who won for us the battle, and bequeathed to us the heritage. I see the ministers of God, whose spirits walked on "Certainly it is your right to eat meat, but for every field of conflict, and whose prayers and meat do not destroy the work of God." The preaching brought down the sanctions of religion absence of all imperfection, of all defect, is more to a cause which never could have triumphed had : than can be demanded of any thing human. But it not been good. All these come thronging back, do not destroy life for the sake of remedying blind- peopling the air, as if incapable of enjoying their ness, deafness, or lameness. Do not demolish the repose while any uncertainty overhangs the fruit" temple for the sake of repairing a defect in its fa- of their sufferings and toils. I see the eyes of çade. Do not break the costly vase because of an millions from every part of the world turned unseemly stain on its surface. Do not overturn towards us, eagerly watching the great experilaw and government to remove an incidental evil. ment of self-government. I see the exiled and ̧ If the evil, in your sober judgment, in your calm the sad from every land hastening for shelter to and religious reason, is so vast, so accumulative, our shores; finding liberty, home, and hope, beso progressive, as to throw into shade all the ben neath the protection of wholesome laws. I see`, efits which accrue from a government administered the unparalleled blessings which Divine Proviaccording to charters and constitutions, the course dence has conferred upon us, in the past, the before you is plain. The right of resistance is present, and which open before us in the future. yours. The right of revolution is yours. But BE-I see a nation of freemen, stretching from State to WARE THAT YOU DO NOT MAKE A MISTAKE. Inter-State, from sea to sea; free thought, free labor, ests too vast, too solemn, for ourselves and the free religion, a free Bible; schools, homes and world, are at stake, to justify rashness. In other matters you may trifle; but you must not trifle here. Mistakes elsewhere may be innocent; but they are not innocent here. churches; a nation involving in its success the hope of the world. Then I turn my tearful eye to that dark spot in our history-that great mys tery of Providence; but I seem to see the stars in their courses fighting' against it. I feel that the evil is subordinate and incidental, not pri 1 mary and intentional; and comparing evil with good, the smile of gladness will shine through the tears of my regret. I cannot, I dare not, I will not take the torch of Erostratus and apply it to a temple which is the wonder of the world, and a glory unto God. I will wait. I will hope. I will pray. My faith in God bids me be calm, patient, hopeful; believing that trials will consolidate our institutions, wisdom and goodness will perfect them, and that, with God's blessing, they will stand for us, for our children and children's children, a beneficent shelter and guardianship for an intelligent, industrious, contented, united, Christian people, to the end of time." tinguished it, and must continue to do so, or all that has given stability to this great experiment of government, or certainty to the final triumph of liberty every where, will have passed away as a delusion. Uniformity of action and sentiment as to the subject of the law, has been attempted to be set up as necessary to the cohesion of the party throughout the different sections of the country. This is an utterly impracticable delusion, and could only be entertained by those ignorant of the national character and the principles involved, or who are making use of the very pretense of nationality for 66 the After this it will become us to draw to a close our somewhat hasty observations. We have attempted to call attention to the sec-sectional ends. tional and one-sided manner in which this Differences of opinion as to the character, question is discussed North and South. We consequences, &c., of the institution of slavery have tried to indicate the limit of individual must be allowed to exist-always have exand national responsibility for the existence isted, and will exist probably for several of the cause of the evil from which these generations to come. We cannot continue difficulties spring. We have shown that a as one nation, much less as one party, unless fanatical and inconsiderate opposition to it we can agree to disagree" on the abstract has begotten a fanatical defense of it. The points involved in this subject; yet, as we Constitution, we have seen, acknowledges it, have shown, there is a vital principle dividing and in one particular carries it into every the two parties on which we have fought the State bound to its authority. A law has battle of constitutional stability and sure probeen made to define and regulate the man- gress on other fields, and which applies here ner of obedience to this peculiarity of the with more than usual import. If, among Constitution. We have shown that this principles that distinguish the Whig party, law, as long as it is such, must be obeyed. we were called upon to select that which This simple statement of the case seems to might be considered its soul-the immortal render unnecessary the space we have de- part-that which will never permit it to die, voted to the subject; but the common-sense even if broken into fragments-we should view of the case has been obscured by the name its adhesion to the prescribed constituviolence of sectional and factional discus- tional and legal forms of establishing meassion; and the question, being a "case of ures, and of effecting or resisting changes in conscience" as well as "a case of law," has, existing ones. Its whole history is pervaded it is not to be denied, some difficulties which with this idea. We may refer, as examples, require careful elucidation. We have shown, to the removal of the deposits from the Bank we think, however, that no intelligent, un- of the United States question; the Rhode prejudiced, or truly patriotic man, can have Island rebellion; the disorganization moveany question as to his duty in the case. ment in the State of Ohio; the disregard The existence of the government on which and resistance made in some of the States to all his hopes, and the best hopes of his race, the last electoral law of Congress; the Redepend, demands, we have shown, his alle- pudiation question; and at the present mogiance to law. ment its battle in the State of New-York, Now, although this summary of our ar- against the outrageous arrest of legislaticle would appear to indicate a subject the tion by the minority of the Senate. Here principles of which are above and beyond then we find a principle by which we can the lines of party divisions; yet, as we have and must test the party allegiance of all secintimated, the country must look for its tions and all individuals. To this each must safety, in the crisis created by this question, sacrifice their sectionalisms, their predilecto the party of law and order. To all who tions, and their private preferences for men profess their allegiance to this party, there- or measures; confident that this will carry fore, we have appealed. The principles from us safely through this, as it has every other which we have reasoned have always dis-difficulty, and ultimately establish the truth, |