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crown are much less doubtful in their issue.

The number of persons recognized as aristocracy, and whose honors and privileges depend upon royalty for their existence, does not perhaps exceed 40,000; but they hold the best lands, and govern the best tenantries, and have the largest body of dependants, and relatives of all grades, living by their favor, of any class in Great Britain. They are consequently-in a country like England, unwarlike, effeminate, and disarmed-a very powerful body, and admitted of necessity among the governing powers.

Aristocracy is probably a more enduring element of government in England than Church power. Aristocracy is equally and more than well represented, and it endeavors on all sides to maintain its position by the pretence of liberality, and the show of popularity. In the course of revolution the Established Church goes first by the board, aristocracy and royalty follow. As a proof of this we cite the following particulars, published in the London Sun, and quoted by the New-York Tribune. The statistics above are from the same.

for this; human nature is weak, but especially salaried human nature, with the sword of Damocles above its head.

The conservatism of this declining power may be estimated by the following items: The salary of the Bishop of London is some $300,000 per annum; and yet who, for good or for evil, knows any thing of this "conservative" lord, whose power and income are equal to a small principality?

Three other bishops have salaries equally preposterous; and the twenty-five minor bishops are restricted within the narrow limits of $30,000 a year each; which we are to suppose is an afflicting poverty, to be endured with a conservative resignation.

The most extraordinary item of all in the cost of this vicious establishment is the exaction of $20,000,000 in tithes and revenues, which is paid over in various sums to five thousand aristocratical non-residents,-persons who consume the salaries, without performing the duties of clergymen. Five thousand idlers are turned loose upon the community, with incomes averaging $5000 a year, to exert, we suppose, a fine moral and conservative influence upon the upper and middle classes."

This Church, called by Lord John Russell "the most tolerant Church in the world," says the London Sun, "has lately made a

The Lord Chancellor has the patronage of 800 livings. The two Universities of 700; the Colleges of Eton and Winchester of 60; various noblemen and gentlemen of 6207. The body of the "Church" called " of Eng-display of its tolerance and pious conservaland" is thus seen to be an establishment for the especial support and benefit of the aristocracy and gentry. They have the privilege guaranteed them by law of filling the vacancies of the ministry; and the only power that stands between them and this right is that of the Bishops appointed by the crown, and themselves members of the House of Lords.

The presentations to livings are probably the right arm of the English aristocracy, as it secures them the enthusiastic support of the Church, so called, "of England."

This sect of clergymen, supported on one side by the aristocracy, and on the other by acts of Parliament, which enable them to collect their salaries by process of law from all persons alike, without distinction of creed, is of necessity a conservative body; perhaps the most conservative in the world; nay, it is the well-spring of all conservatism in Church and State, and the preventer of revolution, and of every species of progress or intelligent reform. It is not to blame

tism, by carrying the chairs away by force out of a Quaker meeting-house, at Houndsditch, to pay some one of her clergymen with."

Now, in America, what should we think of a Methodist or Baptist clergyman, who, under pretence that his was the true Church of the county or village, should make a descent upon the "Episcopal meeting-house," and carry off all the footstools and velvet cushions? Suppose the custom of the country sanctioned this, would it not be a wicked custom? and would not a popular "revolution" in behalf of "toleration," ending in the ducking of the scoundrel Methodist or Baptist, however well" established" he might boast himself, be a very pardonable offense? If "a people," such as we intend by "a people," in America, namely, a population of intelligent persons, with the full conciousness of individual freedom in them, existed in England, Church and Aristocracy would disappear like a shrivelled scroll; but we too often forget that in England, instead of "a

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Mr. Martin Farquhar Tupper.

estants.

April,

people" they have only a plebs, a plebeian | supported by Catholics, Protestant by Protrout, unarmed, ignorant, vicious, and servile, out of which the more intelligent labor with might and main to escape upwards to a clearer and more comfortable social medium. It is evident to common sense, that the unrepresented Church powers, Catholic and Protestant, in Great Britain, must in time demand a representation in the government; or the American plan must be adopted of a separation of Church and State."

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The words "separation of Church and State in Great Britain" have a terrible significance, and contain nearly all the consequences of a modern Republican Revolution. The first and least important step in such a separation might be the exclusion of the Bishops from the House of Lords. consequences of this would not be immeThe diately evident.

The second might be a reduction of their salaries; and the third a removal of the power of presentation from aristocratical hands; which would destroy the present powerful social connection between the sect so called " of England" and the aristocracy. The aristocracy would naturally give themselves no farther trouble about any particular sect of religion excepting the one to which, from choice or education, they might happen to belong. Each nobleman would pay a chaplain of his own sect, as in the good old times of the Reformation.

The powerful interest of the old sects in the conservation of the State being destroyed, it would begin to seek popularity for its own support. Catholic clergymen would be

of Great Britain could maintain itself without the conservative aid of an Established That the present aristocratic Constitution Church is not generally believed. If the ascertained laws of Revolutionary progress will apply to Great Britain, the Church, so called, "of England" must soon lose its hold upon the government; but whether this order, or whether an extension of the franmovement of Revolution is to be the first in chise will precede it, is esteemed to be a point of much uncertainty. The great fact, that the aristocratical Church has fallen into a minority, and must go out of power, is the one to which we wished more especially to of them will naturally ask, If the voluntary direct the attention of our readers. Some tions to livings removed from aristocratical hands, how many persons can then be system is ever adopted, and the presentacounted members in the Church, so called, "of England?" If the Dissenters and the Catholics now outnumber the Established sect, with all the advantages of land, wealth, patronage, and fashion in its favor, what would be the relative proportion with those advantages removed? Church, so called, "of England," collapse on a sudden into a frightfully small minority? Would not the And if such is the fact, how far are its power entitled to respect even in England, much less in America, where government is opinions or its conservatism as a political merely organized liberty, revolution in permanence?

MR. MARTIN FARQUHAR TUPPER.

PROVERBIAL PHILOSOPHY ON ITS TRAVELS.

Ar a late visitation of "eminent men," legislators and others, to the various public institutions in and about the city of New-York, the Mayor made an English Poet, M. F. Tupper, visible at the Institution of the Blind. The following is from the Tribune:

ien.

"Mr. Tupper was introduced to the pupils and the audience by his Honor, the Mayor, as a distinguished English Doct, and the author of Proverbial Philosophy. Mr. Tupper said he did not expect to be thus called upon, and hould not attempt to make a speech. He was not prejudiced against Americans, for he looked upon them as EnglishHe would, instead of making a speech, deliver a few verses written by himself. They were composed some me since in London, and a copy of them was solicited by Mr. Lawrence, our distinguished representative, who lived a style of princely magnificence in London, and they were published in this country before his arrival. If he Ould not remember them all, the audience would forgive him. The poem was entitled The Union, written by a nit.' He gave the first verse, and the remainder appeared to have escaped his memory, but, after a determined Fort, they came back and he was enabled to complete the recital."

How condescending, and how pleasantly and autobiographically egotistic of Mr. Tupper, "Englis h bet and Philosopher," to recite his own doggerel; to carry his own dunghill about with him to crow on. We hope he has "more of the same sort left," for no doubt he will have to "go round," and

1851.

Mr. Martin Farquhar Tupper.

will be expected to go through the performance before many very select audiences. They must be excessively amusing, and it will have a run from the novelty. Only think, a Proverbial Philosopher amusing! It must have been a treat to see a "philosopher" making a "determined effort" to overtake some fugitive stanzas which "appeared to have escaped." Why they should leave his mind we are at a loss at present to imagine; they must be his, for we do not know any other mind so stupidly unpoetical as to conceive such a piece of sermonized jingle.

What a pity the pupils could not see the antics of this "English poet and philosopher." There would be no danger of their ever becoming anti-national. Nothing is so good as the force of example. This, however, does not hold good with Willis and the other small-talk writers of the press. They are better anti-national as they are; for they have the doubtful honor of being in earnest, while if they espoused the right side they would be hypocrites. They would disgrace a good cause, while as it is their connection only ratifies a bad one.

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Sympathy is a more dangerous disease than we were aware of. We all know the effect produced (as the story goes) on a sympathetic, sober man, by the presence of a drunkard. We are told that it was too much for poor sympathy, and he consequently became drunk. From our childhood we have read this story constantly in the papers, put there, we suppose, as a warning to youth, "not to look on drunkards" with sympathy; but notwithstanding the credence attached to its constant appearance It must be true, I read it in the papers,") we always doubted in the said way, (for, as the song says, on the sober man the fact. But Mr. Tupper's late conduct on visiting the Lunatic Asylum on Blackwell's Island knocks Like the effect produced our doubts of years into a metaphorical "cocked hat," and not only argues but proves the power of sympathy in a remarkably strong and interesting light. by the appearance of the toper, the presence of the lunatics was too much for Mr. Tupper. Why, Martin, law! how changed you are; not the domestic-hearth-loving being you used to behow noisy you are getting! how valiant!" said a particular friend of Mr. Tupper's to him on reading the following in the Morning Herald of the 25th March:

"On Mr. Tupper's introduction he said: 'I have not prepared a speech-all that I have to say is that I love you. I have come over the Atlantic ocean to say I love you. You have some faults which I do not mean to flatter; but you deserve to be called Englishmen. (Cheers, mingled with suppressed murmurs.) I find no difference. I have crossed the ditch, and I find you are Englishmen at the other side. (Cheers and hisses.) Yankee Englishmen, I mean. (Cheers and laughter.) I wish to write a book about you.

"A Voice-Not in the Dickens style.

"Mr. Tupper-I want to tell the truth about you. I WILL PROTECT YOU, though I am aware you do not need protection. I find England as great here as at home. I have come into the land of orators and statesmen. I want to say a few words about this Institution. I have come among you-(Interruptions, with cries of Go on,' amid which Mr. Tupper sat down, while a horn was sounding in vain for silence)."

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My dear fellow, good Martin, is this true ?"

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Yes," replied M. F. T.

"You're mad, by G—!”

No, 'pon my life; but I've been looking at the lunatics, and

Unless Mr. Tupper was overcome by the sight of the madmen, we do not know how to receive his insulting and unbecoming speech. How English a piece of kindness it was to come over the ocean to tell us he loved us! Bulwer says the same thing, while he is immortalizing himself as a pickpocket on a gigantic scale.

The mountebank Thompson came with the like intent, and we are pleased to see that his overtures have been met with due appreciation. His telegraphic exodus from Springfield proves that dead cats are often much more formidable than live ones, and that a diseased egg can often "double a man up" We hope Mr. Tupper does not mean to follow in the paths of these better than a "game chicken." gentlemen. If he does, we think he will find that his receptions will prove (he is fond of proverbs) that "practice makes perfect."

Has Lord Palmerston, seeing how admirably his protectorate is succeeding in Central America, Vanity was at a high pressure when sent out Mr. Tupper (Heaven save the mark!) to be the lord protector of the United States? "I will protect you," says my Lord Tupper. What a burst! that was let off. It must be a source of solid pleasure to Mr. Tupper, in his private reflections, that he was not permitted to proceed, and we trust he may profit by the fact, and not allow himself to be carried any farther in a course of disreputable notoriety by the recurrence of such scenes. Every foreigner is modestly welcome to our shores; the laws protect strangers: but when they sink the gentleman in the mountebank, then it is our duty to inform them that we do not allow such proceedings to go without a critical reproof, and against every thing absurd, disgusting, or positively injurious in such a public display, we feel bound to enter protest.

Mr. Tupper will be made a fool of by the few persons who aspire to a place in the book he is going to write on America. The little reputation he has will be crushed, and any good-nature in the man will be pressed out of him, toadying and being toadied in turn. He will be led to believe he is a poet, which, notwithstanding Mayor Kingsland's discovery and Senator Stanton's "distinguished" patronage, we beg disinterestedly to doubt. Poetry is not proverbs or sermons cut up into set lines and walking on a certain number of feet.

Mr. Tupper and the public are equally (to use an intensely British phrase) sold by these paltry publicities. If travelling Englishmen, of some literary reputation, wish to retain it, they should beware of holding it up to contempt: the less often they say, "I have come among you," the better. "I have come among you," quoth he! Lord, what a simpleton !

MISCELLANY.

A GREAT NOVELTY;

To Wit:

CORRUPTION IN THE STATE LEGISLATURE OF NEW-YORK,

THE good people of New-York have been laboring for several days under a grand fit of astonishment and horror, at the discovery the most novel and original-a discovery of an attempt at corruption in their Senate! A late representative from the city of New-York, inspired by a pure and patriotic enthusiasm, has with a commendable diligence raked together and published in the Herald some shocking particulars, which we commend to the attention of all State legislators and their constituencies. The mischiefs of corruption in a State Senate are not confined to the State itself. Every body knows that, by the nature of our governments, as the State Governments are, so will the Central Government be. It is the force of example then that we are to fear; lest by any possibility the hitherto unsullied purity of our National (?) Senate and House of Representatives may by sinister example, in some faint, imperceptible shadow of a degree, be contaminated! Frightful possibility! Suppose, for example, the virtue of a national legislator, under strong temptations, were to give way; suppose he were actually to sell a vote or his support of a bill;-should we not immediately hear the crack of doom? Would not the Union incontinently fall to pieces? For is not vartue,' glorious 'vartue!' the foundation of Republics; and if the foundation were to crack, would not the nation fall?

Money, it is said, was paid to legislators to prevent the passage of a bill against gambling! Dreadful and deplorable novelty! How thankful we ought all to be that virtue and the law have at least one stronghold left, that the Central Power of the Union is sound and pure. Happy people!-glorious in the majesty of a pure, vigorous, and incorruptible Central Legislation!

leon to one of the ladies of his suite, who remarked on the indecency of these very statues, that the "immodest idea was not in the marble, but in the mind of the observer." Nevertheless, we will tell a better story than that. A friend of ours, an artist of some eminence, had once occasion, in his youth, to instruct a young lady in the art of drawing from life; and to begin, he directed her notice to a plaster cast of the nude figure known as "Hercules leaning on his club," which had been for years innocently resting on a pedestal in a corner of the parlor of the mansion in which she lived. The first lesson progressed well, nor did the plaster create greater alarm on that occasion than it had done while standing merely ornamental in its corner. On returning, however, to give his second lesson, our friend discovered the young lady modestly sitting at her drawing table with eyes intent on the little statue, about whose white waist there hung suspended in grace ful folds, an impervious and picturesque curtain, being a small red cotton pocket handkerchief, the property of the lady's maid. We recommend the device to Pio Nono, and "the Genius of Death."

MULTUM IN PARVO.--If the population of the United States is 25,000,000, including all ages and colors, and the imports of the year 1850 are $150,000,000,-though there is little doubt, by smuggling and “ad valorems,” i, e. false valuations they will come nearer $200,000,000 in worth,every man, woman, and child in the United States will have paid six dollars to foreign merchants and manufacturers. The payment will be made in money and in provisions, flour, &c., in a proportion not well ascertained.

This tax or tribute is paid chiefly on manufactured articles, such as can easily be made in America, and upon products which can easily be grown upon our own soil. The entire expenditure, excepting about $10,000,000, paid for materials which cannot now be grown or made upon American soil, is paid by our people to enable other nations, but chiefly England, to drive us out of all MODERN MODESTY.-We read: "It is said in the the markets of the world. A part of the profits Messagiere of Modena, that the naked statues in of this enormous taxation maintains the English the churches at Rome are to be covered, from mo-steam navy, pays the salaries of the English Freetives of modesty. Canova's Genius of Death in the monument to Pope Clement is to be thus adorned, and the many little cherubs which abound in various churches are no longer to be left in a state of improper exposure. The immodest pic tures are also to be improved." What is meant by "improving" immodest pictures, we leave our readers to find out. But surely Catholicity has forgot its soul when it becomes worse than Iconoclastic, merely maudlin sentimental," covering up little cherubs in a state of improper exposure" Our readers will remember the answer of Napo

trade ministers, the cost of armies in India, and the murderous armed police of Ireland. A yearly subscription of not less than Five Dollars a year for every man, woman, and child in America is paid out, directly or indirectly, for the maintenance of the British Empire.

Now there are not fewer than two millions of industrious and able artificers in America, living in forced idleness, or digging the earth for a scanty subsistence, to the detriment of the true American farmer, who could produce at least one hundred dollars annually more than they do, in the kinds of

labor suited to their knowledge and capacity. Full a million more could be profitably employed in the production of food and raw material, to be used by the two millions of artisans well employed.

Three millions of persons, now either bankrupt, idle, or badly employed, would add, if well employed, at least $300,000,000 to the annual income of the nation.

An armed steamship costs about $500,000. For $50,000,000, a hundred powerful steamvessels can be built. For $100,000,000 annually a steam navy of one hundred vessels can be kept afloat, in such strength and order as to defy the combined French and English squadrons. With such a navy, which would cost every man, woman, and child in the United States $3 32, a commercial system could be kept up all over the world that would compel England to share the market which she now monopolizes, and break up that frightful system of extortion and aggression upon which she now depends for the support of her manufactures and for her ability to tax and frighten America. She would be driven off the continents of North and South America. She would be checked in her designs upon the Chinese. She could be compelled to evacuate or liberate the East Indies. She could make no wars nor commercial treaties until the people of America gave her leave to do so. America would dictate terms for the defence of the liberty of all

nations.

The five dollars a year paid by every man, woman, and child in America for the support of the British Commercial Empire, would be invested in profitable industry, and give employment to the entire idle or impoverished population, native or immigrant, of the United States. An enormous and cheap supply of manufactures and produce would be the consequence, yielding a grand surplus to be sent away and sold in foreign markets. The profits of such a trade, so defended, would come back to us in the shape of money, and all the elegancies and luxuries of other nations and climates. An immense commerce, five-fold our present trade, would be the consequence. Every mode of industry, every kind of enterprise would be employed. The people would be rich, proud, and happy. The Republic of America would be not only the first power, but absolutely the ruling power of the earth. No nation would dare to make war upon it. All this and more may be accomplished by mere legislation. But at present England legislates for America, and Congress dares not do anything for the people because they have no steam-navy. SHAME-SHAME!!

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tion, his Lordship's visit to the United States was a kind of political rustication, or leave of absence. Various reasons have been assigned for his visit. Our own private belief is that Lord Morpeth came here in a double capacity: first, as a private gentleman, for health and amusement, and second, as an English humanitarian statesman, to spy out the land, and see what it could do and what might be done with it. He travelled through twenty-two States, kept a journal of his progress, and lectures from the journal. His Lordship has so vast an abundance of words, it is difficult to give the matter they signify without great labor of sifting; and, indeed, the lecture itself is so dull and sleepy a performance, so thoroughly superficial and devoid of ideas, after reading it the critic is fitter for a nap than for anything else. His Lordship landed in Boston; he describes the city with all the dulness and without any of the minuteness of the Guide Book. His affection for Boston is evident; he expresses it. He observed the Bunker's Hill Monument--the old elm tree at Cambridge, beneath which Washington drew his sword to take command of the national army. He dwells upon the English character of Boston. He remarks that Mr. Justice Story was an enthusiastic admirer of his country; but that Mr. Story also had a great admiration for Lord Hardwicke and other English lawyers. He qualifies his praise of Mr. Story with the remark, that when he was in the room few others could get in a word. He gives the usual description of Dr. Channing in his last days. In brief, he saw the notabilities of Boston. He took notice of the public schools of Boston. The only topic upon which his Lordship is absolutely enthusiastic is that of the waiters at the Tremont House, who were all, he says, Irish and English. He remarks that American railway cars have stoves in them, which is very convenient.

New-England," says his Lordship, "produces chiefly ice and granite." After describing the city of Albany he remarks, "What can be more striking or stirring, despite the occasional rudeness of the farms, than all this life, enterprise, and energy swelling up in the desert ?"

He notices that some of the towns are called by Roman, others by Indian names. He says, he thought his arrival at Niagara very exciting, and immediately enters upon a description of a stage coach which is very long. He then enters upon a description of his sensations at Niagara, which were very much like those of other men. In short, everything that one finds in the newspapers in summer time, except their spirit and animation, may be found in Lord Morpeth's lecture. Upon the whole, it is the most exquisitely dull of all travellers' descriptions. His Lordship is an abolitionist. He winds up with a violent and bitter denunciation of slavery. He thinks, however, that America may, in future generations, do much for the liberty of man and the glory of God. His dulness, blandness, prosiness, humanitarianism, English prejudice, and imperturbable insolence and self-sufficiency do so thoroughly qualify him for the office, we doubt not he will one day become a member of the English Cabinet, perhaps Premier. He is "as tedious as a king;" you can no more be witty upon him than you can upon a pudding.

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