a Union party, opposed to one of disunion,
a disastrous movement! But it was found
impossible to excite two such parties, and
on the appearance of the old issues, partisans
fell into their ranks and resumed the old
weapons of controversy.

may break up the Union, and has already endangered it. A foreign policy truckling to the ambitious schemes of Britain has degraded the Union, and impaired much of the public respect for it, and thereby so far put its life in peril. A refusal to appropriate the public moneys for the most necessary public improvements has weakened the affection of the States for the Union, and must eventually shake it to the centre. An untimely neglect to defend the laws of nations and the honor and virile reputation of the Republic is hurrying on a war with Great Britain, which can only be averted by the adoption of a foreign policy congenial with the republican spirit. England must be warned of the consequences of her present policy, or the people of the West will force those of the South and East into a declaration of war against her.

A national party against slavery is a party of civil war; a Union Party professedly opposed to it would have recognized its existence, and put a demoniacal life into it. The project failed, as good men hoped it would. The objects of a faction founded upon a pure fanaticism, and which aims to make itself master of the central power for purely fanatical purposes, would only have been dignified by an organized and professedly national opposition, demanding on that ground, and for defense against that faction, to be intrusted with the supreme power. The majority were naturally suspicious of such a movement; they suspected its mo- Here are a few of the foundation stones of tive, they did not believe in its assumptions. a Presidential platform, broad enough and Since the death of General Taylor, the solid enough to support a brilliant and Government has stood in the attitude not of powerful Executive and Senatorial policy. one using power as it should be used, and A Government with such a policy need gaining favor by the display of courage and not manifest weak or hypocritical solicivigor, the key to popular approbation in this tude for the safety of the Union: it would Republic, where the merit of existence is be a true representative and confirmer of estimated by its force and creative power; Union. Expressions in favor of the Union but in an attitude, rarely reputable, and never have become at length quite stale and idle, advantageous in an intelligent age, of soli- like declamations on the side of virtue in citing favor, and founding its claim thereto general; they betray emptiness and want upon a certain very general and cheap vir- of purpose; the men who make them so tue, respect for the Union and the Constitu- often, and on all occasions, have nothing tion. And what then should we say of a else to say. Where we hear one of these government which did not entertain a respect eloquent generalizers declaiming in favor of for the laws, the Union, and the Constitution? the existence of the Nation (!!), let us try The profession of such a sentiment is no me- him with a few questions of home and forrit at all; the most absurd and tyrannical eign policy, and thereby, with single slight power would reiterate the same; the weak-punctures of the critical knife, let the wind est continually harps upon it.

out of the bladder; we shall, in nine cases out of ten, be witness of a very ridiculous collapse.

Whoever, by whatever party, is elected to the Presidency, assumes power as a Unionist, actively and thoroughly a Unionist; Here are a pretty contemptible race of respect for the Union and the Constitution hungry politicians, who make their pretended is therefore a wretchedly weak and shallow anxiety for the Union a pretext for abominapretext for the presidential candidacy, in it- ble idleness and intrigue at Washington, self considered. The question, among ninety-throwing away three months' time of the nine hundredths of all the people, is not whether the Republic shall exist, but only, what are the surest guarantees of its existence, and of its prosperity.

A British system of public economy may destroy the Union, and has already jeopardized it.

A meddling British agitation in the North

National Council, and leaving one generous old man to perform the duty of a whole party. What kind of a government is that of which an active, vicious minority can block the wheels? It is a government without vigor, without friends, without merit.

Let us imagine the possibility of a state of things like the following: That, on a suc

den, the government forgets that the "Union | a sister republic overrun and subjugated by is in danger," and that its "frightfully dan- a tyrannous imperial power, would be the gerous condition" is any longer at all necessary to any body.

Having nothing now to occupy their minds but the business of government and the duties for which they were constitutionally elected, they would bend their whole attention to these, excluding all other matters. They have a majority of the people with them; they have the official patronage; they have immense social influence; they can, by insisting upon popular and useful measures, awaken the gratitude and enthusiastic support of their constituents, and of the public press; they can, by direct influence and a display of sincerity, create for themselves a majority in both Houses of Congress. Corruption itself, now their enemy, did they seem powerful, would become their friend, and the bribes and promises distributed in secret, would be distributed for their benefit. Let the truth come out, the very diseases of government, the itch and sore of avarice and ambition, become the voluntary servants of a well organized and vigorous power.

most popular document ever written by an American President. The Hulsemann letter was indeed a good thing in its way, but a harmless document at bottom. It carried no consequences, and with all its merit, it does no harm: it calls for no forces; it demands no ships; it requires no extra session to meet, for the practical maintenance of its principles by sea and by land; it brightened no rifles; it tempered no swords; the trade in paper was more benefited by it than the trade in powder: it was a noble sentiment, and the Republic drank its health with a smile; the band played Hail Columbia, and there was a general cheerfulness.

How shall the heads of a party make themselves popular and powerful, unless by showing an excess of the highest passion of the Republic? If they do not feel it, they must at least adopt the policy it demands, or their term is short.

The ludicrously affected enthusiasm of the skeptical, cold-blooded Lord John Russell, against papal aggressions, is a fine illustration of what a skilful insincere politician ought to be, who means to hold power; but thanks be to God, the statesmen of America

they breathe is sincere, the people are sincere; liberty is sincere; between God and ourselves we have only the laws, and we can indulge in a real and an honest enthusiasm.

In the machinery of our government, the subordinate offices are places of influence and authority. The most important laws are hindered in their passage by the holders of sub-need not affect sincerity: the atmosphere ordinate places, or men returned to Congress who will effectually block the wheels of legislation. Let the Power that regulates all this, use every atom of its power; let it adopt a rule for the conduct and principles of all officials, and expel without hesitation or remorse every man who impedes the execution of its design. Such an Executive would have the respect of its enemies and the devotion of its friends.

And now, having spoken of the internal policy and organization of such a government, let us inquire, what would be its policy in regard to the masses of men-the people in general?

Recognizing the love of glory, of power, and of independence, as the primary ground of popularity, it would seek to identify itself with those passions in the heart of the people, by showing a bold and warlike front towards other nations, and a readiness on all occasions to compel the respect and consideration of a foreign power, were it otherwise not to be obtained. The message of a President recommending measures in defense of international rights, or of the liberties of

The popularity and power of an administration depend much more upon the enthusiasm of the people than upon their shrewdness or their abstract opinions; and it seems right that it should be so, since the honor of the State is its vital principle, its heart; an organ much nobler and of more immediate and constant importance than a stomach.

But the prudential and economical judgment of the people requires also to be appealed to, and measures supported which secure for labor the protection it demands against foreign monopoly and domestic oppression.

An administration sincerely engaged in measures of popular reform, can afford to be, in the right direction, a lavish and a costly administration. A lazy, niggardly, pinched, and prejudiced administration cannot. Retrenchment is only apparently popular, never effectively so. If popularity is the aim of a government, with a view to its reelection, it must retrench as little as may be

convenient, and make as little stir and sound | guaranteeing the British in the occupancy of about it as possible: it is an unpopular Central America, it would be chaff and step, and all the popularity that may be straw to the Americans. It would be broken won by it among the disciples of Dr. by necessity, on the least pretext; the Franklin, will be soon forgotten, and weigh right of way through Central America being like dust in the balance against a storm of almost an absolute necessity to us. We popular enthusiasm. are told that it is a point of honor with Lord Palmerston to keep a toll-gate between us and California. Lord Palmerston's point of honor endangers the existence of the British Empire: in the event of a war with England, that power will have a war with Ireland in addition, and her commerce, the second year of the war, swept clean off the seas. The French Republic seeks an opportunity to vent her ancient hatred upon England, and if a war approaches will seek our alliance.

us, they contemplate without emotion; it is the ass, again, whose bray shakes down the avalanche.

The election of General Taylor, a Southern military man, and a slaveholder, was regarded by the South as a perfect security to themselves against Northern encroachments. To make his election sure, it was, however, thought necessary to give the Vice Presidency to the North, and the least dangerous and least exceptionable person for that purpose was no doubt the one selected. He was known to be temperate in politics, and had not discovered any strong aptitude for usur

spheres. The Americans were asleep, drugged with free trade and British opinions, or were madly brandishing the torches of civil war, made and set on fire, and distributed among them by the orators of Exeter Hall, the grand propaganda of modern British opinion. The Union would soon be dissolved; the work of ruin went bravely on; from the first day of the civil anti-slavery wars of America, would be dated the new epoch of England's commercial prosperity. "Vast would be my wealth, enormous my power," thought the Lion of England; "I will break in fragments, and subjugate in detail the monstrous and fatal Union of Re-pation. He was a safe man, and therefore publics, as I have already done every other union of free States on the New Continent. The six hundred thousand bales of cotton now manufactured in America, and consumed there, would, in the event of a division of the Union, be wrought up in England, and sent to America to sell. Glorious prospect! But I must first have the Isthmus, to command the California and the Pacific trade; it will give the key to the West Indies, and command the Mississippi. I must hold fast to San Juan-that is the point d'appui-that is the Gibraltar of the Gulf and of the Pacific!"

Upon the Central American question turns all the future, both of America and of England. An Imaginary President, or man of straw in office, cannot, of course, do any thing with it; he will not even see it; the avalanche may thunder above-the deaf ass will plod on his way and eat his thistle. Little factious men have only little and factious aims. A dozen slaves escaped from their masters bring great joy to some m souls; the prospect of a war of exter tion carried on against three milli negroes, a catastrophe toward whic same kind, discreet, and tender-heart tators, under British guidance, are hu

he was chosen; he was an able business man, and competent for the regular duties of any office in the gift of the nation.

The death of General Taylor changed every thing. It was thought necessary by the Administration to adopt a policy conciliatory to the South, on the one hand, and for one set of reasons, and antagonistic to Mr. Clayton's, and conciliatory to England on the other, and for another set of reasons. The first, on the supposition that the South would have no confidence in a Northern President, and would do all in their power to crush him and his friends; and the second, on the supposition that the genius of England exerted a benign and harmonizing influence over America. England, it must have been known, had laid her plans, since 1740, to possess and occupy the southern third of the North American Continent; to erect another system of colonies on the Asiatic plan, and reestablish the balance of European power in America.

Powerful arguments supported the new policy so antagonistic to that of General Taylor. Were the southern third of the Continent once fairly in English hands, no more slave States could be erected south of Texas. The magnificent cotton lands of Mexico, Yucatan, Balize, and the Mosquito shore, where ten bales can be raised to the single hand, would be cultivated by free labor, at less than twelve cents the day, and the negro for ever excluded. All other slave products would be grown there at prices proportionly low, and the distressing dependence of South for ever terminated.

n "Anglo-Saxon" power would have sion of that part of the continent, and Colonists gradually supplanted In English hands, deeper rminated.

canals and more substantial railroads would | The manufacturing and commercial power of intersect the interoceanic territories; and England deemed it necessary to bring about every American who passed over would re- a separation of the Northern and Southern ceive a tincture of Anglo-Saxonism, and have States. Her politicians had formally animpressed upon his heart a deep sense of nounced it as a part of their foreign policy British humanity and hospitality. England to effect that separation. Her humaniherself, once our enemy, now by necessity tarians had declared that the Union of the our friend, looked to us for aid in this mat- North American States was the grand cause ter. Exhausted by a series of wars against of the continuance of slavery in America. It the Republicanism of Europe, burdened with was therefore an act of humanity to procure an insupportable taxation, drawing two thirds a dissolution of that Union. of all the food she eats from other soils, she came to us no longer in the character of a rival, but in that of a dependent friend and cousin. It was indispensable for her to have the privilege of blockading the ports of the Spanish Republics, or she could find no sale for her surplus cloths and cutlery. We were rich and powerful; we could feed ourselves, clothe ourselves; we had gold and quicksilver, coal and cotton; she had none of these, and it was not for us to play the dog in the manger, and refuse her the privilege of a poor cousin; we who had so much could surely spare her a morsel. And so it was deemed expedient to allow her the priv-pose, to tempt the South from her allegiance ilege she asked, and the policy of Henry Clay, of John Q. Adams, of Thomas Jefferson, of Monroe, and of General Taylor, was abandoned, and the Spanish Republics, the gateway between Europe and Asia, are now subject to the blockades and other tender violences of the "Anglo-Saxon" Queen; American citizens passing that way are disarmed by Jamaica negroes, and treated with considerable tenderness afterwards.

Again, other arguments were conceived. South Carolina was on intimate terms with England, and might at any moment, nay, had already, through her citizens, opened an amatory correspondence with her. South Carolina, or rather the few persons who rule and agitate in, and financier the bank for that adult British colony, began to lean upon England for protection against the supposed aggressions of the North. Members of the Nashville Convention were assured that South Carolina had only to throw herself into the cotton-clad lap of the British Queen, and she would be tenderly embraced and strongly defended. It was expedient, therefore, to conciliate England, because of her influence in South Carolina.

Again, England was the great agitator of Abolitionism in the North! Singular contradiction!-inexplicable to country statesmen!

Her free traders had declared that the American Union maintaining a free and harmonious commercial intercourse between the Northern and Southern States was the grand cause of the existence and continual increase of manufactures in the Southern and Northern States, and that if it continued, British industry could no longer clothe the world, but must share the market of the world with the Americans, and finally give it up to them. It consequently became an essential part of the Free Trade movement to agitate Abolition in the North, and at the same time, and for the same pur

with promises of free trade and protection if she would secede. Such considerations as these seem to make it important for men in power in America to desert the policy of Henry Clay, Monroe, Adams, and Taylor, and to conciliate England by the most flattering and friendly attentions, to permit her to run riot over the Spanish Republics, and act her pleasure on the two coasts of the continent.

What other and more powerful considerations may have driven our Government off from the American and Republican platform, we need not now stoop to inquire. Enough we do know, to satisfy us that no influences, however base, have been spared to corrupt the public sources of information, to suppress inquiry, to divert the attention both of Government and people from the designs of our rival. But it is with the general arguments, such as all men may discuss, that we are at present interested: let us keep to the open question, and use the common facts; the good sense of our fellow-citizens asks for nothing more than that.

England is a conservative country; it is anti-revolutionary, anti-slavery, and antidemocratic. The two powerful interests who govern it, the old and new aristocracy, the