decided victory. It however proved but temporary, and like a hundred other victories over them, it proved to be but a mere chastisement, and for a short time only checked their insolence and rapacity.

tribute to these robbers. Never would these States make peace with all Europe at the same time. Peace with one was but the prelude of a war with another; for said the Dey, "If I make peace with all the world, what shall I do with my corsairs? For want of other prizes they will take off my head. The Algerines are a company of

From that time to 1815 these people were almost constantly at war with one or more of the European nations. In 1655 the English sent a large fleet into the Medi-rogues, and I am their captain." terranean to avenge the honor of their flag, and to procure a deliverance of their prisoners. The fleet first came before Tunis, and a demand was made for the restoration of the captives. The Bashaw was not at all intimidated, and made no other reply than to request the Admiral to look at his forts and to do his utmost. The challenge was accepted. He entered his harbor, burned his ships, battered down his castle, took away the English prisoners, and then sailed out of the harbor, leaving him to repent of his folly.

During our colonial history our relations with these powers were formed by Great Britain, and our commerce in the Mediterranean, which at the time of the Revolution was considerable, was protected by the tribute which that government paid. During the Revolution we had no commerce in that quarter, and of course there was no opportunity for aggression. No sooner was peace restored than our commerce revived, and our ships, bearing the new flag of stars and stripes, made their appearance in that sea. They went there too without any convoy or The French next had their turn, and in means of defence, and from a country that at 1682 sent a fleet under Admiral Duquesne the close of the war of Independence had not against Algiers. On this occasion it is said a single armed ship to protect its infant but that bombs were first used on ships of war. growing commerce. The temptation was too So destructive did they prove that the Dey great for Algerine honesty, and the country soon yielded, and restored the captives, and too remote and too much exhausted to inmade ample indemnity. The Dey, after-spire fear. The flag had not yet borne thunwards learning the great expense of the ex-ders to the gates of the Dey's palace, nor had pedition, sent word to Louis XIV. that for one half of the sum he would have burned the whole city of Algiers.

All these expeditions against those States, of which twenty others might be mentioned, originated in the same way, and had nearly the same termination. The recovery of property and the deliverance of captives was the great object of them all; and these being accomplished, a temporary peace would follow on the agreement of the injured party to pay an annual tribute. Un til our Government finally resolved to resist this badge of servitude, it had always been considered a necessary part of every treaty with them, and it seemed to be the only way which could then be adopted to protect the subjects of the sovereigns of Europe from slavery and robbery. At least the European nations thought so, and universally adopted it. Though every port of the Barbary States might have been blockaded, and the power of the Corsairs humbled, yet through jealousy of each other, or from the base desire of gaining some undue advantage, they preferred the humiliating choice of paying

his people learned the lesson which subsequent sad experience taught them. Accordingly the Dey made a formal declaration of war against the United States in July, 1785, and immediately after two of our vessels, the schooner Maria, of Boston, and the ship Dauphin, of Philadelphia, were seized, and their crews, twenty-one in number, were carried as slaves to Algiers. The news of this outrage, as it well might, created great alarm in this country. The name of Algerine had become odious and synonymous with pirate. It was connected with every horrible tale of childhood, and was far more terrible in its associations than even the cruel tortures of the American savage. And what made it still more alarming was the fact that there were no means by which those citizens could be freed, or others protected, but by the slow process of negotiation-negotiation too with a people that acknowledged no law but such as their own selfishness created, and were bound by no obligation but self-interest.

This attack upon our commerce was not wholly unexpected. The importance and

but he had too much respect for the opinion of the world to make the Americans an exception to his general rule, and to entirely refuse a ransom. With most of the European nations a fixed and annual tribute was paid by the Government for the protection of its citizens. France then paid an annual tribute of one hundred thousand dollars, and Great Britain, the boasted mistress of the seas, paid three hundred thousand dollars, besides a large amount in the distribution of presents every ten years; and even these large sums did not always afford protection, for during this very year several French captives were redeemed for five hundred dollars each.

The price which the Dey demanded for the American prisoners, shows with what views he regarded our countrymen. The captives consisted of three captains, two mates, two passengers, and fourteen seamen. The price for each captain was six thousand dollars; for the mates and passengers four thousand each; and for the seamen fourteen hundred dollars each; and to this was to be added the custom house duty of eleven per cent., making in all sixty thousand dollars, or upon an average twenty-eight hundred dollars each, while the agents were authorized to pay only two hundred dollars.

necessity of preserving peace with these States had been duly considered by our Government, and a special provision had been inserted in our treaty of alliance with France, by which the aid of that government was secured for this object; and during the previous year, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and Thomas Jefferson, then residing in Europe, had been fully authorized to negotiate treaties with these powers, and to send agents there for this purpose. They did in fact send agents to Morocco, who succeeded in obtaining a treaty of quite a liberal character for that day. It provided that Christian slavery should be abolished, and that in case of war the prisoners of either party should be exchanged. It was concluded for the term of fifty years, and required neither tribute nor presents to maintain it. A change taking place soon after in the Government, it was thought prudent by Congress to have it confirmed, and twenty thousand dollars were accordingly appropriated for presents to the chief officers. This treaty was generally well observed by the Moors, who were encouraged in the performance of their duty by valuable presents from our Government. At nearly the same time agents were sent to Algiers, not only for the purpose of negotiating a treaty, but to obtain the liberation of the twenty-one prisoners before mentioned. They had now been in slavery about a year, and this was the first act of the Government to obtain their liberation. Their first efforts were made to procure a release for the prisoners. They however soon found After this, four years passed without the that the only mode of approaching the Dey adoption of any open measures for the dewas through an offer to pay a ransom in liverance of the captives. Our Government money for the prisoners, and it soon became seemed inclined to abandon direct negotiaa mere matter of dollars and cents whether tion, and to adopt a course of policy that at a people which had successfully maintained the present time does not seem to do it its independence against the most powerful much credit. There is certainly some plaunation in the world should permit twenty-sibility in the arguments in support of this one of its citizens to wear the chains of slavery in Algiers. The Dey knew with whom he was negotiating. He knew that there was no American navy, for at that time Old Ironsides had not been built, and the names of Bainbridge, Decatur, and Preble had not been placed on the roll of naval heroes. He knew too that there was a rich American commerce, and that since he had made peace with most of Europe, this would afford prizes for his corsairs. He however could not refuse to set a price on his prisoners. He could ask a larger sum,

Under these circumstances, they found their undertaking hopeless, and accordingly abandoned all idea of redeeming the prisoners by a ransom.

course of proceeding. It was said that if so large a sum was paid for the ransom of these prisoners, it would only tend to hold out still stronger inducements to these pirates to prey upon our commerce and make slaves of our citizens, and that our only security was in convincing them that we were poor, and unable to pay any ransom whatever. It seems to us however that nothing could justify our Government in this policy but extreme necessity. It must be confessed that this was one of, if not the most trying, periods of our history. The States had no

then adopted our present Constitution, but lived under the old Confederation, which in its latter days was but a little more than the shadow of a government. Its treasury was empty, its credit gone, and a very general apprehension existed that its dissolution was near at hand. But still, could the whole people of the country have been awakened to the unhappy condition of their fellow-men, wasting away their lives in servitude, and dying in a foreign land, there would have been found means for their deliverance; and how much more creditable and humane it would have been to have paid that or any other sum, and trusted in the providence of God, that for the future the oppressor's hand should be stayed.

a due regard for our seamen still in freedom forbid us to give."

While these cautious and dilatory negotiations were going on, the revolution in France broke out, and among its rash results was the suppression of the Brothers of Redemption, and the confiscation of their entire property, so that from them neither the captives nor the country could expect further aid.

Six years had now passed, and the captives found no relief. They occasionally wrote their friends at home, and even sent a petition to Congress imploring aid. During this period six of the twenty-one had died. At home the old confederation had passed away, and a new government had been adopted by the people for their common safety, and to provide for their common defence. It now seemed impossible to longer turn a deaf ear to the cries of the enslaved. Accordingly in February, 1791, the Senate of the United States authorized, by resolution, the President to take such measures as he thought expedient to procure the redemption of the American citizens in Algiers, provided the expense of the same should not exceed forty thousand dollars.

In reply to this resolution, General Washington expressed his willingness and anxious desire to concur with the Senate in all reasonable and proper measures to accomplish said object.

We have said that the Government took no open measures for the deliverance of the prisoners during these four years. It did not however wholly forget them. The cries, complaints and petitions of their friends would not permit it. It abandoned all hope of open negotiation. Through the agency of Mr. Jefferson, a religious association was secretly employed to obtain their release. This association was called Brothers of Redemption, or the Mathurin Fathers. This association was established as early as the twelfth century, and its chief object was the redemption of Christian captives in the Barbary States, and it had an officer constantly at Algiers for that purpose. How much our Government authorized the Mathurin Soon after the passage of this resolution, General to pay we have no means of in- a letter was received by Congress from Capformation. It however appears that extra-tain O'Brien, dated Algiers, Feb. 28, 1791. ordinary efforts were made to get the sum as small as possible. It was even thought necessary to use some deception in order to accomplish this object. One of our consuls abroad at that time says: "In order to destroy every expectation of a redemption by the United States, the bills of the Spanish Consul at Algiers, who had made the kind advances for the sustenance of our captives, were not answered. On the contrary, a hint was given that the advances had better be discontinued, as it was not known that they would be reimbursed. It was neces-erty to observe that there is no doing any sary to go further, and to suffer the captives for a while to believe that no attention was paid to them, and that no notice was taken of their letters. It would have been unsafe to trust them with a secret which might rever prevent their redemption, by raising › demands of the captors to sums which

He was the master of the ship Dauphin, and appears to have been a man of great intelligence and energy of character. He was regarded by the captives as their leading man during their sojourn at Algiers. His letter gives a pretty full account of their condition. He says: "It affords the Americans in captivity some consolation to hear that His Excellency the President has drawn the attention of Congress to Barbary affairs, and to consider the decrease of American commerce to the Mediterranean. I take the lib

business in this country of importance, without first palming the ministry; and by taking this proper channel, that there is no great difficulty to carry any point. At present there are but seven hundred Christian slaves in Algiers, and as the captives are much wanted to do the public work, the Regency

does not seem inclined to permit slaves to be redeemed on any terms; for without slaves these people could not well fit out their cruisers.

"In 1786 there were three thousand Christian slaves in Algiers; but the Spaniards, Neapolitans and other nations redeeming their people, and the pest, that great storm of mortality, which happened in this city in 1787 and 1788, which carried off nine hundred Christian captives, among which number were six Americans. Our redemption is but trifling higher than the terms on which the Spaniards and other nations redeemed, and since those redemptions and the pest, the price of slaves is constantly rising.

"The lads, who are pages to the Dey, were solicited to turn Mohammedans, but they would not, which makes their price more exorbitant.

"It has cost Spain full four and a half millions of dollars to make their peace and redeem their people-notwithstanding Spain acted something wisely not to be the dupe of all the commercial nations of Europe.

"It is my opinion that the United States may obtain a peace with the Regency for fifty or sixty thousand pounds sterling, all expenses included, that is, if the affair is well managed, and with Tunis for fifteen thousand pounds sterling.

Congress had passed resolutions, and a whole year had passed, yet nothing effectual was done. President Washington proposed to the Senate to conclude a treaty with Algiers, allowing forty thousand dollars as a ransom: twenty-five thousand dollars to be given to the Dey on the signature of the treaty, and twenty-five thousand dollars as an annual present or tribute. John Paul Jones was appointed the commissioner to negotiate the peace. This measure was kept secret, and of so confidential a character that all the papers were in the handwriting of Mr. Jefferson, then Secretary of State. Jones having soon after died in London, Mr. Barclay was appointed his successor; but he did not live to execute his commission, and in consequence another delay necessarily took place. In the meantime the Algerines having made peace with Portugal, and the protection which that war and her ships partially afforded having been withdrawn, our commerce became more exposed than ever; and at a single cruise of the Algerine corsairs in November, 1793, ten more of our vessels were seized, and their crews, one hundred and five in number, were carried captives to Algiers.

It was fortunate for those who had already been in bondage eight years, that the number of American prisoners had been so much increased, for it aroused the country "The present time is favorable to America to a sense of its duty. The prisoners immeto try for peace; and I further take the lib-diately addressed a petition to Congress, erty to observe that those nations, the Dutch, dated Dec. 29, 1793, in which they say: Danes, Swedes, and Venetians, that pay a "Your humble petitioners had the misfortune tribute annually, that their peace is on a to be captured by the corsairs of the Regency more solid and lasting basis than those in November last, while we were navigatnations that give large sums for making the ing vessels belonging to the United States, peace, and not to be tributary; for it is the and are at present in this city of bondage, annual sum that these nations pay, which employed daily in the most laborious work is the bait that secures their peace, and not without respect to persons; and your petiany sentiment of national honor or regard tioners are informed that the plague, that to treaties, but for their own interest in being fatal and tremendous disorder, is raging supplied with naval and military stores." in the country adjacent; and as your unfortunate petitioners are confined to the slave prisons with six hundred captives of other nations, that from their situation the wisdom of the United States will consider what must be the fatal effects of the plague spreading amongst the captives."

He concludes his letter by saying: "We hope you will consider what our sufferings must have been in this country during that trying period of nearly six years' captivity; but we hope you will give such powers to your representatives as to finally extricate your fourteen unfortunate subjects from their present state of bondage and adversity." Just previous to the date of this letter, one of the captives, Charles Covell, was redeemed by his friends for $1,700.

About this time Congress seemed disposed to adopt new measures of negotiation with Algiers. They sent their agents as before to treat amicably, if they could, but at the same time there was a determination

the

to adopt measures of force. The country assume a warlike attitude. By the treaty began to perceive that a commerce without of 1796 there was no provision for the paya navy could not exist, or be carried to any ment of tribute, but so interwoven was this great extent. Accordingly, on the 2d of Jan- system with those people that it was found uary, 1794, the House of Representatives impossible to keep them at peace without a resolved, "that a naval force adequate to the constant tender of presents. In 1797, protection of the commerce of the United presents which our Government made to this States against the Algerine corsairs ought power cost twelve thousand dollars, and to be provided;" and during the same year about double the amount was given the folthe President was authorized to cause six lowing year. "All nations pay me," said frigates to be built, and ten smaller vessels the Bashaw, "so must the Americans. Let to be equipped as galleys. Only three of them give me a stipulated sum, and I will be these frigates were built, viz., the Constitu- reasonable as to the amount." He further tion, the United States, and the Constella- complained that our Government had been tion; for peace having been soon after con- more generous to Algiers than to him, and cluded, it was thought unnecessary to carry in order to avenge so grievous a wrong, he into full effect the original design. Enough made a formal declaration of war. however had been done to lay a foundation This war continued for three years, and for our navy; and to the insolence of Algiers was distinguished not only by the remarkawe owe this right arm of our national ble expedition of Eaton, but by several nastrength, and to their subsequent treachery val exploits highly honorable to our infant we owe the first opportunity of testing the navy, and to the gallantry and courage of strength of those ships, and the skill, brav-its youthful officers. At the treaty of ery, and gallantry of their commanders. It seemed to be but a just retribution, that the people whose crimes brought our navy into existence should feel the first proof of its strength, and that on the very spot from which armed corsairs went forth to plunder American commerce, an American fleet with a voice of thunder should have dictated to the Dey the terms on which he could save his capital, and even his own palace, from destruction.

The treaty which we made with Algiers was of a truly humiliating character; but inasmuch as it restored all the captives to their homes, and gave the country peace, it was a source of joy and congratulation. It cost the nation more than a million of dollars, besides the payment of an annual tribute in naval stores of twenty-one thousand dollars. Yet with all its cost, it was never a matter of regret, for it restored a valuable commerce for our country to the Mediterranean. This tribute was paid for seventeen years, and it would have been paid many years more, had not the Dey in an unfortunate hour, for the purpose of obtaining better terms, the second time declared war against the United States. This war, as we shall see, not only cost him this tribute, but was the first in that series of events which led not only to his own humiliation, but to the conquest of his country.

At about the same time Tripoli began to

peace, our Government again consented to the payment of tribute. It was perhaps wise at that time to do so. It was not then regarded as a badge of humiliation. And we were not then prepared to take the high ground, which the justice of our cause seemed to demand. Our Government had as much as it could do to protect our commerce in other quarters. The great questions as to the rights of neutrals, which grew out of the wars of Europe, had already begun to agitate the commercial world, and many an American ship had been seized by the belligerents, and held as a hostage to insure a fair settlement.

After this, our country remained at peace with all the Barbary powers till 1812. Each of them received an annual tribute, and a generous supply of naval stores. Our commerce, though subject to great embarrassments, had been much increased in the Mediterranean, and, so far as related to the Barbary States, was enjoying perfect security.

But our war with Great Britain in 1812 brought about a new condition of things. It became difficult for our Government to supply the naval stores, which by treaty we were bound to furnish, on account of the great danger from British cruisers then guarding and shutting us out of the Mediterranean. Our Government offered to pay the value of the naval stores in money, but