"Crystal Palace" and the "World's Fair." It is directed to His Royal Highness, Francis Albert Augustus Charles Emanuel, Duke of Saxony, and a deal of other things beside (which means the Queen's own particular husband, and nothing shorter,) to the Duke of Buccleugh, Earl of Rosse, and twenty-one more persons, of whom are Premier Russell and Freetrade Cobden, Banker Baring and East India Company Galloway, &c. This commission recites that a certain Society of Arts, of which the man with all the names, Prince Albert Punch Augustus Cæsar, &c., &c., is president, "have proposed to establish an Annual Industrial Exhibition in 1851, at which prizes to the value of twenty thou sand pounds at least shall be awarded to the most meritorious works"-and further, that this Society “have invested" in the name of the M. of Northampton, Lord Clarendon, (of Irish notoriety,) Sir P. Boileau, J. C. Peache, the sum or twenty thousand pounds for that purpose."

To these Royal assertions the Mechanics' Magazine replies that it is to be expected that “a State paper ought to contain the truth." (Our experience proves that this commentary of the Mech. Mag. is entirely factious, and worthy only of contempt, inasmuch as we never knew or heard of an English State paper which did contain a particle of truth.) The Mech. Mag. further states, it is not true that the Society referred to in the commission "have invested the sum of £20,000 to be awarded in prizes and medals," the Society never having had any such sum to invest for any purpose; and if they had the sum, their own charter does not permit them to have the power of so investing it.

In this dilemma (the Magazine further explains) recourse was had to money brokers; and "jobbing contractors" supplied the money on the faith of being repaid with interest and a bonus out of the Exhibition." So that this whole "World's Fair" farce, in this view, takes the aspect of a design by jobbers and money brokers to hold a grand exhibition of the "Industry of all nations," &c., to exhibit their own industry by making money out of the witless exhibitors; and his Royal Highness with all the names, and all the great people above alluded to, stand convicted of being participators in the act. Our authority is, you see, British.

It was also stated, continues the editor of the Mechanics Magazine, that the Society of Arts had named certain parties as Treasurers and Trustees of the Fund-an untruth, continues the editor, inasmuch as the votes of the Society were never taken on the subject-another evidence that the scheme was "got up" by irresponsible agencies.

This "got up" "Committee" consisted of five, all of whom, asserts the Mechanics' Magazine editor, are men of straw, interested parties, or persons utterly unknown, about whose existence even there is very strong doubt. The names are

1. Henry Cole, (whom the editor of the Magazine referred to declares to be an umbra, or probably a distant relative of Old King Cole, and therefore as probably knowu to Victoria)

2. Charles Wentworth Dilke, Jr., (the son of old Dilke, the proprietor of the Athenæum.)

3. George Drew. (About this person there is no doubt he is the solicitor to the contractors who furnished the £20,000, to be repaid with interest, and a bonus out of the exhibition-therefore an eminent judge of art, and a very disinterested party.)

4. Francis Fuller. (The editor of the Mechanics' Magazine concludes he must be one of "Fuller's Worthies," as otherwise he is ignotus.)

5. R. Stephenson-(the eminent engineer, a highly honorable and worthy man, but too much occupied by professional business to attend. At the urgent solicitation of the Prince Francis Albert Augustus Cæsar Punch, &c, and at the last moment, he agreed to "lend his name" but, on finding the true bearing of the plot, he resigned and withdrew altogether.)

The whole Committee, asserts the editor, (excepting number 5,) are "obscure individuals," or persons in whom "the public (i. e. the British public) have no confidence." And yet the President of the United States and the American people have confidence in, and intrust their productions to men, whom the British themselves avow incapable of being trusted. "The whole affair," continues the editor, "is a conspiracy of five or six members of the Society of Arts,"-how got up, with what falsehoods, what unworthy schemes, we have seen, sufficiently to conclude what further confidence they deserve. It is known, however, that Hon. Abbott Lawrence has confidence in Fuller the worthy, in Drew the contractor's attorney, and in Dilke, Jun., all being "Anglo-Saxons," "all honorable men."

Further, with reference to foreign nations, the "commission" recites that the Society of Arts requested Her Majesty" to give her sanction to the undertaking, so that it might "have the confidence not only of all classes of her subjects, but of the subjects of foreign countries."

Her Majesty was never so requested to do. The Society of Arts never made any such request, and as Prince Albert Augustus Punch Cæsar, &c., is President of the Society itself, the falsehood must have originated in some tender arrangement between him and his wife. So be it, royalty!

One more instance of bad faith: "The Queen," says the editor, " has been made guilty of a falsehood." The "commission" promised "twenty thousand pounds in prizes." It is now determined not to award any prizes,-First reason, because the system is objected to by the British press, as being calculated to favor foreigners;-Second reason, because there is no money.

job.

Such is the present condition of this disgraceful The goods exhibited by foreign_manufacturers will of course be liable to the debts due to the contractors. British manufacturers have refused to pay a cent, or to have any connection with the farce; and to cap the climax, Lord John Russell has refused to be responsible in the matter, and has, at a public meeting in London, (although

ers.

Look over Europe and America, and where now are the ideas which, two years since, agitated the democracies of the world, and turned all men's minds to a holier and more glorious worship than that of Drygoods and Hardware? The political aim of the entire scheme was alone considered by foreign monarchs and by imperilled aristocracies, and they have lent to it a ready and willing assistance. The last obstacles which threatened to intervene between this Raree Show and the liberty of Europe, the legitimate nullification of a tyrant's will by the people of Hesse Cassel, and the honest insurrection of the Schleswigers, have been isolated from Republican Europe, and prospectively defeated. The people of the old world, whom two or three years ago the suborned armies of their monarchs could not hold in check, now with spirits sunken, and hard features grim, are quietly directed to "look to London and industry and peace." The Emperor of Austria, having shot down, hung, driven into exile, and impoverished his whole people so that even the citizens of Vienna are in want of current money worth anything but a nominal value, in want of clothing, food, the very necessaries of life

by his advice alone could the Royal Commission have been granted.) declared the Prince Albert Francis Augustus Caesar Punch, &c., "the great originator of the scheme."

All these facts have been long since published in the British press, and are known to be strictly true. How Mr. Abbott Lawrence can have so far forgotten, in his "Anglo-Saxon" tom foolery, the duties of an Ambassador, as to keep his Government in ignorance of them, or, if he have informed as to keep the people of the United States in ig. norance of them, and induce them by representa tions directly opposed to fact, by stripping ships of war to carry toys; ships which may, before the "exhibition" is well begun, be needed to protect our citizens in Central America, or even in our Atlan tic cities, (vide Alison's Treatise on sacking New York, &c.,) are questions eminently worthy of solution by the Senate of the United States. But to the deceived and credulous citizens of America who may be so hazardous as to trust their property to Fuller Worthy, Umbra Cole, " Dilke Jun," Punch Prince Albert, contractors-Attorney Drew, &c., on the representation of His Grace "Anglo Saxon" Lord Lawrence, and find themselves cheated and deceived, we have but one advice to give:

his Government, how it can have been so remiss

"Follow that Lord,

And see you mock him not."

We shall again have occasion to refer to other stairs Revelations of the "Crystal Palace."

has graciously recommended his artisans to go to the London show with their productions. So of the kings and potentates and kinglings and dukelings throughout Germany. The intolerable hoax has been seized on by every" ruler" in Europe, in danger of not ruling. But let us of this continent judge its effects by results before our eyes. Before this scheme had entered the head of a German Prince, before it was foisted on our press by the feeders of the London newspapers, before it was seized as a lucky wind-fall by the defeated monarchists of Europe, and dinned into the wondering ear of our Anglo-Saxon Ambassador, the entire thoughts of the American people, outside of their own domestic and national concerns, were directed to struggling republicans in the Eastern Continent. Americans then discerned that Europe needed more than dry-goods civilization, than the infliction of peace by massacre, the re-establishment of religion by outrage, the re-construction of "order" by anarchic kings. If America was, in the estimation of "our transatlantic cousins," celebrated only for that therein "there was roast goose and apple sauce for the poorest inhabitant," the American people then considered it was but fair that the people of Europe should have even so much, first, if they could get it, and the rest afterwards. In those days the good President Taylor sent an envoy to recognize Hungarian Independence; more than one Senator vied in an endeavor to destroy all friendly communication between America and tyrants; Webster the god-like, and Cass the ungrammatical magniloquent, delivered orations abounding in patriotism and republican rhapsody; and the people debated whether or no they should send money, arms, munitions, and equip fleets and expeditions to help this European country, or that, in its wearisome battle. And now, the change: societies in Wall street, of the lottery kind, to furnish free tickets to the London Fair; articles in newspapers on the "Crystal Palace," and the interest taken therein by great people and aristocrats, replacing the stories of Hungarian and German war; a President constituting a committee with one "Peter Force," or Peter Funk, or Peter Fool, (we forget which, but the terms are synonymous,) as Chairman, to engage everybody to run over to London and stare; and ships of war lying stripped of every gun in our dock

maternal uncle, Major Joseph J. Moore, who then resided at his country seat of Mount Airy, in Oglethorpe county, Georgia. He was educated principally by a venerable gentleman attached to his uncle's family, and afterwards at the celebrated Willington Academy, South Carolina, then under charge of the present Professor James P. Waddell, of Georgia University. He was transferred to this latter ancient seat of learning at the same time that his Willington preceptor became Professor there of Ancient Languages.

In October, 1837, after a very brief course of legal reading in the office of the Hon. Joseph Henry Lumpkin, present Chief Justice of Georgia, he was married to the eldest daughter of the late Judge Clayton, of Athens, quite recently a leading member of Congress from the same State; from both of these distinguished gentlemen, he received every assistance and encouragement which could be suggested by the generous friendship of the one, or the paternal fondness of the other.

In the fall of 1838 he removed to the State of Mississippi, and established himself there on a plantation in the prairies of Noxubee county. Here, in May of 1841, he made his débût before the people, in the delivery of an address on the life and character of President Harrison, just then deceased. He was soon brought forward as a candidate for the Legislature, and elected the November following, with a Whig colleague, by a large majority.

The session of the Mississippi Legislature of 1842 will be long remembered by the citizens of that State, and by the entire world. It was at that session the notorious Union Bank bonds, endorsed by the State itself, were unconditionally repudiated. Against this measure Mr. Cobb recorded his

vote.

At the same session he joined with the Hon. P. W. Tompkins and other Whig members in an attempt to defeat the passage of a series of strong democratic instruction resolutions, introduced by a member from De Soto county; argument however proved utterly futile in the presence of a determined party majority. During the summer following, declining to attend the extra session convoked by Governor Tucker, he resigned his seat and removed to his residence near Columbus. His friends of the

various Whig presses published his letter of resignation, with many and highly complimentary accompanying regrets.

In January of 1845, at the solicitation of his Whig friends and constituents, associated with a talented young relative, he undertook the charge of the editorial department of the old Columbus Whig. This was during the pendancy of an important State election, and the right conduct of this paper was considered to be a matter of great importance. His editorship was discontinued after the November elections.

Mr. Cobb had become, formally, a member of the Bar, with no intention, however, of engaging practically in the business of the courts. In his rural residence at Longwood, near Columbus, among the magnificent oak groves and cotton-fields of Mississippi, he devoted himself to the study of history and the cultivation of general literature. His chief pleasure has been the formation of a rare and valuable library, and the exercise of a truly liberal hospitality.

During the year 1848, Mr. Cobb began his literary career by furnishing several classical and revolutionary stories for the National Magazine of Philadelphia. One of these, "The Maid of Melos," attracted great attention at the time, by the power of its incidents and the extreme beauty of its style. Its publication led to that of many others. In the spring of 1850, appeared "The Creole; or, the Siege of New-Orleans," a romance founded on events connected with the campaigns in and around that city during the last war with Great Britain. This novel was received by the entire press of the South-west with warm expressions of approbation. In the State of Mississippi, and in the cities of Mobile and New-Orleans, it was especially well received. Mr. Cobb is one of the few American authors whose works have sold well upon their own merits, and without the aid of a European reputation; a fact which renders criticism or commendation almost unnecessary.

Our author began his contributions to the American Whig Review in April of the present year, with a review of Macaulay's History of England, in which, so far from pursuing the beaten track of eulogy in which the unmanly criticism of the day so especially delights, he has taken up his author with a strong hand and discussed his merits and defects with a power and even a